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Full text of "20th Convention Socialist Labor Party 1940 pt.2"

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Corporation Counsel Knight was 
unmoved, as shown in his reply. 

"Indianapolis, Ind., 
February 6, 1940. 
"Mr. Arnold Petersen, 
61 Cliff Street, 
New York, NY. 
"Dear Sir: 

"I thank you for your detailed ex- 
pression of your views in your letter 
of February 2, 1940. 

"I have no personal interest what- 
ever in any controversy on this sub- 
ject, as my official position with the 
city calls upon me only to exercise 
my judgment when called upon by 
some official or department of the 
city for an opinion. I merely an- 
swered your first letter as a courtesy, 
and I in no way challenge your right 
to views contrary to mine. 

"If yours views are right, the 
courts will doubtless sustain them, 
but of this the courts must be the 
final judge. 

"Very truly yours, 
(Signed) "Edw. H. Knight, 
''Corporation Counsel." 

This final letter was sent by the 
National Secretary: 

"February 7, 1940, 
"Edw. H. Knight, 
Corporation Counsel, 
City of Indianapolis, etc. 

"Re: Interference by police 
with rights of political party 
to sell literature in streets of 

"I have received your letter of 
February 6 and note with consider- 
able surprise the nature of your- re- 
ply. I had not assumed that there 
were any personal considerations in- 
volved in the question under discus- 


sion. I did assume that when I !|| 
Attorney Reddington suggested tll|| 
I write him further on the maltiM 
and that your answering niv ri | 
soned and documented letter to M> 
Reddington — this all implied a 
cession on the part of the City of In 
dianapolis that it might possilblj !•■ 

in the wrong, and that it, no 

than the Socialist Labor Part \ ■! 
sired any unnecessary litigation ill 
a question which, on the basis <>i ij 

several Supreme Court dm 

seemed to leave no doubt as to i I lid 
ing already been resolved in oui l . 

"While I appreciate your pei 

courtesy in this matter, I at 

strained to observe that the alllhl 
of the City of Indianapolis is oni 
arrogance and unreason. Howi 
if your final decision is ilia! I In 
United States Supreme Courl mllll 
must be submitted to the tests id ill 
lower courts, we have apparent I \ im 
choice in the matter. 

"In my letters I believe I Ion* 

shown that reason and logic n 

tirely on our side. If it is eonech 
able that the law can be in such | 
lent conflict with reason and ]ogli< ( 
to be sustained against us, il would 
seem that once more Diekeir, , Ml 
Bumble was right when he likitiMJ 
the law to a certain domestic <|iimlrH 

"I repeat here, however, llinl | 
any of our members are arrested | 
exercising their constitutional i imM'i 
especially as reaffirmed in roi'l 
Supreme Court decisions, wi nhull 
be compelled to sue those respmull 
for making false arrest. 

"You will hear further from 
due season concerning tlie <|in 
at issue, in one way or anolln i 

"'Please note that copies ol 1 14 

il' r are being sent to the Mayor 
lid City Attorney of Indianapolis, 
u is done also with the previous 
liii- written you. 

"Respectfully yours, 
"Socialist Labor Party, 
i Signed) "Arnold Petersen, 
"National Secretary." 

We are now preparing to contest 

tli. ruling of the City of Indianapo- 

|| and we shall probably have to 

)ftk< Hie matter into court this sum- 

i m less we elect to await the 

ime of the Atlantic City case. 

I here will be appended in the 
shed proceedings for the record 
■I 1 1 rief summary of interferences 
our civil rights.* 
\ I present the outstanding of- 
1 mler against civil liberties appears 
||l In; I he notorious Dies Committee, 
chairman seems to have 
linlied Hitler's methods closely, and 
1 1 i inly has given a good imitation 
nl I hem in this country, in point of 
lill'ieial lawlessness. The recent raid 
mii I lie Communist party Philadel- 
phia office by agents of the Dies 
t iiimniftee is a case in point. In 
I'tnnplete disregard of due processes 
kf law, thereby violating one of the 
Box I vital principles of genuine 
pthicricanism, this committee on un- 
ring un-American activities 
pUgcd its unlawful raid on April 2, 

a number reasons it was found im- 
■ to prepare the summary referred to. 
hject, however, in its general aspect, 
ih particular reference to our expe- 
luring the summer and fall of 1940, 
■u:ussed again in the Report of the 
il Secretary to the National Exec- 
'ommittce in Session, May, 1941. 
art of the National Secretary's re- 
aling with this matter has been in- 
in this record and may be found at 

of this volume. 


li i ( 

1940, and, according to the news- 
papers, "confiscated two truckloads 
of documents." The news report goes 
on to say that "The raiders, operat- 
ing in secret, descended on two of- 
fices and confiscated the documents. 
The papers were loaded on the two 
trucks and immediately started on 

the journey to Washington 

Among documents seized, police said, 
was a list of members of the Com- 
munist party in eastern Pennsylva 
nia, motion picture film and what 
was described as 'propaganda litera- 
ture.' " 

Mussolini, Hitler and the other to- 
talitarian bandits could hardly have 
improved on this performance. Raid- 
er Dies expressed pained surprise 
when he was told that his high- 
handed act would be challenged in 
court. The Constitution? Why, of 
course — wasn't he standing on it? 
Sure enough, as James Russell 
Lowell would say, wasn't he tram- 
pling it under his hoofs? 

It is hoped that this convention 
will express itself strongly and em- 
phatically on this and other out- 
rages committed against the rights 
of the people to remain secure 
against search and seizure except as 
provided by law, on the interferences 
with free speech, etc., etc. 

While interferences with open air 
meetings are frequent enough, it is 
seldom that local authorities dare go 
so far as to prohibit indoor meetings, 
especially since the Supreme Court 
gave Mayor Frank (Hitler) Hague 
of Jersey City such a sound drub- 
bing. We all recall that Franlk ("I 
am the law") Hague discovered that 
he wasn't such good law after all. 
Yet, in one of the semi-feudal Penn- 
sylvania steel towns, West Home- 
stead, the authorities have actually 

dared to forbid indoor meetings! 
This gross usurpation will be chal- 
lenged by the Socialist Labor Party 
if no one else meanwhile does so. 
The incident is of recent occurrence 
and is being investigated by the State 
and National Offices. 

The question may be asked: Does 
not the S.L.P. seek the aid of the 
American Civil Liberties Union? 
The answer is: We do, but so far 
with precious little to note as a re- 
sult of our effort to enlist the aid of 
the A.C.L.U. As pointed out in the 
1939 report to the N.E.C.: "The 
American Civil Liberties Union has 
nobly declared that they will defend 
any ease, however unpopular one 
way or the other, if it involves viola- 
tion of constitutional and civil rights. 
Apparently there is one exception, 
namelv, the S.L.P. We will defend, 
says the A.C.L.U., in effect, pluto- 
crats and reformers, communist 
hoodlums and Nazi bandits— aye, 
even the Ford Company against that 
darling of the Lewis^Browder-Broun 
coalition, the National Labor Rela- 
tions Board! All these we will de- 
fend says, in effect, the American 
Civil Liberties Union, but defend a 
case involving the S.L.P.— heaven 
forfend!" In the same report there 
was reprinted a letter which the Na- 
tional Secretary had written to the 
chairman of the A.C.L.U., Mr. Rog- 
er Baldwin, and for the record it 
might be noted that Mr. Baldwin 
never answered the National Secre- 
tary's letter. Referring specifically 
to an assault on some of our mem- 
bers in Philadelphia by the Stalinist 
gangsters in Philadelphia (now 
themselves receiving a dose of their 
own medicine by Raider Dies!), Mr. 
Baldwin was asked: "If they [S.L.P. 
members] are molested (as in the 

case of the communist hoodlums III 
Philadelphia) will your organizM!i>m 
assist us in bringing the gangs! . ■ 
to book — including those who m« 
act as tools of some of those [coin 
munists] listed on your letterhead I 
members of your National Commll 

As stated, Mr. Baldwin gav< 
answer to this or the other whollj 
relevant questions he was asked, bill 
it is of interest to note that simH 

then the A.C.L.U. has removed I'i 

its governing board the ignoranl mill 
ranting Elizabeth Gurley Fl Villi 
(who in the early days of the I.W N 
was sometimes called the Joan "I 
Arc of the labor movement!). Oiil 
ley Flynn is today what she h 
ways been, and it was not be 
she was suddenly found out thai I" 
was kicked off the A.C.L.U. conunH 
tee, but because her master. Si ' 
Stalin, bedded down with the I | 
house painter, and proved thosi 
pediments (to the A.C.L.U.) 
Shakespeare said he would not admlj 
"to the marriage of true mind 
But why these "impediments" dtf 
not trouble the now respectable A 
L.U. before is not at all clear, 

However, as stated, despil* n 
peated attempts, the A.C.L.U. r.rtifl 
of non-cooperation with the S.I- I' 
practically unbroken. Two - 

recent times stand out conspici ' 

in this respect, the Janesville, Wlfl 
free speech case, and the assMiill ■ 
Comrade Leo Gabow in PorlUltJ 
Ore., by a military gangster. 

The. detailed records in these I W! 
cases follow here: 

7 — Jane smile, Wis., Cain 
December 30, 1937: Supplied N»« 
York office A.C.L.U. with fact* ll 

inesviUe case, requesting their co- 
peration, etc. 
January 8, 1938: Routine ac- 
umvledgmentlby A.'CX.U. received; 
„ ,il. r will be taken up and will let 
II know about decision. 
January 15, 1938: Further corre- 

, fence sent to New York office 

\ C.L.U. (copies of letters to gov- 

• of Wisconsin, editor Janesville 

7 Gazette). 
January 19, 1938: To A.C.L.U. 
Idditional copies of correspondence 
lu Wisconsin governor, and reqaest- 

unequivocal reply as to whether 

.,, may expect their assistance. 

January 22, 1938: A.C.L.U. ac- 
l nowledgment, stating that "we have 
I deed our Wisconsin state chairman 
i,i investigate. . . . 

January 27, 1938: Letter from 

v York office AJC.L.IL received, 

lyhich winds up by saying that we 

l Ul give them an opportunity for 

Acquainting themselves with all the 
(nets before they adopt a course of 
... I Ion ! (A whole month had passed.) 
( No meetings were contemplated 
Ml | his time in Janesville, so the 
l,i ,i !,r was dropped.) 

\pril 7, 1938: iSent New York 
„lii<v A.C.L.U. copies of correspon- 
I tice with Robert M. La Follette, 
I Washington, D.C. (Chairman, Com- 
inillci: on Education and Labor), re 
failure of Governor Phillip La Fol- 
|,ll,. to maintain constitutional 
I riR'lits in Wisconsin. 

April 9, 1938: From Britchey, 
\ , w York office, commenting on La 
toilette's "evasive answer." 

April 29, 1938 : (On receipt of let- 
i, i from Jerome Britchey, staff 
tunsel New York office A.CX.U., 
Lking if we plan to hold meetings 
in certain cities, and if we "contem- 
plnir any difficulty there. H so we 

wish to make some arrangement.") 
Letter to Britchey informing A CX. 
U. of open air meeting planned in 
Janesville for May 16, requesting 
them to stand by if need for legal 
assistance is required. 

May 14, 1938: Letter from 
Britchey saying that he has been in- 
formed by Wisconsin Comnrttee 
that "no trouble is expected in 
Janesville when (y)our representa- 
tives come down to speak" ; and ad- 
vice re attorney with whom our rep- 
resentative should confer re "per- 

May 16, 1938, 5.25 p.m.:- Mr. 
Britchey phoned to give us the name 
and address of attorney in Madison, 
Wis., who should be called on for as- 

May 18, 1938: To Britchey ad- 
vising that above information was 
received too late to be of any use to 
us for the meeting which was sched- 
uled to take place within a few hours 
of his telephone call. Also inform- 
ing A.CX.U. that meeting was held 
without any disturbance. 

The details of the Janesville in- 
cident were related in the WEEKLY 
PEOPLE of April 23, 1938, under 
the heading " 'Forward' Wisconsin- 
Violator of Free Speech." 

j j — Gabow Case. 
December 31, 1937: Leo Gabow, 
national organizer in Portland, Ore., 
was physically assaulted by a 
United States Marine Sergeant at a 
public meeting which he was ad- 

January 1938: Gabow requested 
assistance in bringing suit against 
the sergeant from Portland repre- 
sentative of the A.CX.U . 

March 1938: Nothing done by 
Portland representative, although 


promises had been given to Gabow 
on repeated visits that suit would be 

March 9, 1938: From National 
Secretary, S.L.P., to New York of- 
fice A.C.L.U. giving a full history 
of the case, and requesting definitely 
whether or not the A.C.L.U. would 
assist the S.L.P. in this case. 

March 14, 19'38: Letter from 
Britchey received in which he stated: 
"In answer to your question as to 
whether or not we will assist the So- 
cialist Labor Party in this case, our 
unequivocal answer is yes." 

March 17, 1938: To Britchey, 
New York City, quoting from Ga- 
bow's letter on failure of Portland 
representative to carry out promises 
to take action. 

April 1, 1938: To Britchey on his 
failure to reply to letter of March 
17, advising him that Mr. Gabow 
must leave Portland on April 10, 
calling attention to the absolute ne- 
cessity for immediate action. 

[Also reminding Britchey that 
they had taken absolutely no action 
in the Janesville case, which had 
been referred to them in December.] 
Demanding a frank answer as to 
whether or not they will assist the 

April 6, 1938: Telephone call 
from Britchey ; followed by letter to 
him from National Secretary, S.L.P., 
quoting .Gabow on April 2 re futile 
visits to Portland representative. 

April 9, 1938: From Britchey 
saying that he hoped to hear from 
Portland representative, within a 
few days. 

April 11, 1938: To Britchey 

quoting again from Gabow that 

"nothing has been done as yet..." 

April 16, 1938: From Britchey 

advising that Portland representa- 


tive had attempted to get the l)ix 
trict Attorney to take action and lUl 
lie refused. "The District All-. 
ney's office felt that a prosecution 
would be unsuccessful." "They s] I 
attempted to get the Police Courj In 
take action, but the Police Courl n 
fused to issue a warrant." "A Hit 
these attempts failed Mr. iGal>0^ 
asked for assistance in filing a clvfl 
suit for damages. The matter wt 
taken up with the Executive Boil 
and they felt that filing such an | 
tion would bear no fruitful rcsull 
They felt it would be impossibh 
win the case and that if by tij 
chance it was won, there would In 
no possibility of collection of jud| 
ment. Moreover, the filing of suHi 
an action would result in court coil 
of at least $50, and the local coflj 
mittee has a very small treasury. Iwu- 
these reasons the local committc :■ tin I 
not proceed with the case. ..." 

April 16, 1938: To Britchej 

above, expressing amazement a! thi || 
disgraceful attitude, which cannol li« 

obscured by any "amount of evas 

or sophistry," that their failure l,. 
act in this matter "has been due In 
[any] discrimination." 

April 16, 1938: Gabow left Port 
land for California. The last statl 
ment to Gabow by the Portland n p 
resentative was that it was a peraw 
al assault case, and out of the In til 
of the Union's activities of defending 
civil liberties. April 22 letter in 
Britchey, quoting Gabow on abm. 

In the light of these two expi r! 
ences, which fairly roars with eon 
tempt toward the S.L.P., and 1 1 | 
tainly certifies to the Union's com 
plete lack of interest in cases involl 
ing the S.L.P., we can undersUml 
and properly interpret Mr. B/il(l 
win's failure to reply to the .lelh'F 

n ill him by the National Secretary 
nl I he S.L.P. With particular ref- 
• rence to the Gabow case, the Na- 
tional Secretary had stated in his 
li tter to Mr. Baldwin (of April 22, 
I ft.')!)): 

"....when we turned to the 
American Civil Liberties Union for 
lid, we were either ignored, or if at- 
tention was paid to our requests at 
'II, your local offices managed to pro- 
i rastinate to the extent of causing us 
i" give up in disgust. A notable ex- 
ample was that of L. Gabow in the 
i-ity of Portland, Ore., last year. 
Tile conduct of your office in Port- 
land with regard to that case, can 
only be described as scandalous. 
Vcuir files contain considerable cor- 
K'.spondence between your office and 
mir organization relating to this 

Silence implying acknowledgment 
of guilt when charged — silence was 
the only answer the so very impar- 
led, tolerant, fair and open-minded 
Mr. Baldwin could give! 

As we said in the 1939 report, 
... .we may as well reconcile our- 
Wlves to the realism of the situation 
« liieh is that we shall probably have 
In depend in the future, as. in the 
I wist, on our own efforts to maintain 
bur constitutional rights," 

Other phases of this constantly in- 
. r.asing interference with, and cur- 
I nil ment of, our rights and civil lib- 
i Tlies, are the corporation censorship 
■ the radio (already discussed), the 
I lelionary Hatch Law, and the ever 
multiplying- restrictions placed upon 
Hie ballot. Like so many other 
I 'jslative enactments by New Deal- 
• in, the Hatch Law is essentially re- 
'"Inmary, although wrapped in the 

cellophane of the transparently 
hypocritical phrases of liberty, 
equality, purity and all the rest. The 
Hatch Law may prove a bit irksome 
to the most brazen politicians, but 
they soon find ways of circumventing 
the laws' supposed intent. It is well 
to bear in mind that in the most re- 
actionarjr and corrupt governments' 
today — the Mussolini and Hitler 
regimes-, and now also the Stalinist 
regime — (Spartan virtues and purity 
are acclaimed most vociferously, 
though observed almost entirely in 
the breach ! 

The most sinister aspect of the 
Hatch Law is that which prohibits 
political activities on the part of 
federal employees, and in time, when 
"little Hatch laws" shall have be- 
come part of state legislation every- 
where, this will mean, then, that no 
federal or state employee may par- 
ticipate in political activities other 
than voting and. (under a recent in- 
terpretation of the law) other acts 
of minor importance. Since the trend 
is toward increasing government em- 
ployment of larger and larger num- 
bers of people, the conclusion is ines- 
capable that ever growing millions 
will be deprived of their rights as 
citizens. If Socialism does not bead 
off the monster variously called State 
Capitalism, Fascism, Nazism, tota- 
litarianism, or industrial feudalism, 
the point will eventually be reached 
when the political State will be the 
sole employer ("the ideal capital- 
ist," to use Engels's phrase), and 
with such laws in effect as the Hatch 
Law, none but the few, including the 
entrenched bureaucracy, will have 
the right to take part in political ac- 
tivities, and if the right to vote sur- 
vives to this stage, that right will 
then have become practically mean- 


ingless. The raucous voice of a 
former New York State governor 
sounds through the air in praise of 
a new revival movement, "I am an 
American" they call it. In the choice 
language of this ex-governor, we are 
told that the young men and women 
who this year attain the age of 
twenty-one, through this "I am an 
American" movement they learn that 
they have acquired privileges as 
well as duties, under our democratic 
form of government, etc., etc. All 
of which reduces itself to humbug in 
view of the facts of the Hatch Law 
and its less obvious, but vitally sig- 
nificant, consequences. The Hatch 
Law may, we believe, be regarded 
as the opening wedge for the entry 
of similar, or still more vicious laws, 
the sum total of which in the end 
will present itself as a denizenry of 
political and economic serfs, 

Naturally, we have been much 
concerned about the effect of the 
Hatch Law on such immediate prob- 
lems as conventions, nominations for 
Presidential electors (which in some 
states run into quite a number), the 
securing of signatures for our peti- 
tions, etc. In order to secure an of- 
ficial ruling on the effect of the law 
on such government jobs as W.P.A., 
etc., a letter was sent to the admin- 
istrator of the Federal Works Agen- 
cy at Washington. The reply re- 
ceived reassured us to the extent 
that it is now settled that S.L.P. 
members working on the W.P.A. may 
circulate petitions — that is, members 
holding no administrative or super- 
visory positions. For the record, a 
facsimile reproduction of the letter 
from Howard O. Hunter, Deputy 
Commissioner, Federal Works Agen- 
cy (Works Projects Administration) 
appears on page 123. 

The restrictions placed on minor 
ity parties desiring to go on the bft] 
lot are becoming increasingly s< \ -m •. 
as we have already noted. The tea 
dency is to make it practically im 
possible for a party such as the S I 
P. to place its ticket on the ballot in 
a number of states. It is obvioui 
that the politicians are doing all 
they can, and with malice a lore 
thought, to prevent the rise of a nnv 
political party except such as liny 
would approve. If the Party fail! 
to secure sufficient numerical sup 
port by the voters generally, and if 
this reactionary trend is not stopped^ 
and if the evil already wrought \h 
not undone, the point must inevitably 
be reached when it will be impol 
sible to get on the ballot at all. \W 
need only look at California to real 
ize what we may get up again 1 . 1 
eventually. It appears to be neci 
sary to conduct a special education 
al campaign among the workers willi 
regard to tins question. That is, it 
would seem highly desirable to pro 
pare special literature, leaflets pre 
sumably, dealing with the subject of 
ballot restrictions' the ominous im* J 
plications, not merely to minority 
groups, but to the mass of the work 
ers eventually. It seems that it 
should be emphasized in such 
lets that the politicians who pratl 
so much about Americanism arc m 
fact traitors to that which they pro 
test they love so dearly, and that lint j 
proof of their treason lies in tlmll 
turning their backs upon the deintM 1 
cratic way o,f life of the builders oj 
the republic, while extending tin It 
hands to welcome the bearer of inn 
cistic practices. If it is possible til 
arouse the workers sufficiently to llin 
danger inherent in the present* 
ation, it may be that we shall be nhli» 



March 11, 1940 

Mr. Arnold Petersen 

National Secretary 

Socialist Labor Party 

P. 0. Box 1076, Church St. Annex 

New York, New York 

Dear Mr. Petersen; 

This will acknowledge your letter of 
March 7, 1940, addressed to Colonel Harrington, 
in which you request a ruling as to whether the 
Hatch Act prevents WA employees from circulating 
petitions in behalf of candidates for public 

The law and regulations of this Adminis- 
tration governing political activity of its 
employees prohibit persons employed in admin- 
istrative or supervisory capacities with this 
Administration from taking part in such ac- 
tivities. However, security wage workers who 
have no administrative or supervisory authority 
do not come under these regulations and would, 
therefore, be permitted to circulate such petitions 
so long as the activity was not carried on during 
project working hours or on the project site. 

If you desire any further information con- 
cerning this matter, please let me know. 


y yours, 


Deputy Commissioner 


to secure enough support to get on 
the ballot in most states, which in 
turn would, of course, enable us to 
reach ever larger numbers of work- 
ers with the Party's message and 

While the tendency is toward ab- 
solutism so long as Socialism is de- 
nied a hearing, that is no reason for 
accepting the otherwise logical fruits 
of this tendency without a struggle. 
Once resign the hope and promise 
that reside in the vote — weak and 
insufficient though it be in and hy 
itself — and we shall to that extent 
have eased the way for the "man on 
horseback" whose strength lies in 
the disillusionment of the masses, in 
their frustrated hopes, and in the in- 
evitable defeats, broken pledges 
and unfulfilled promise of the fatu- 
ous reformers, visionaries, and the 
fakers. For we know that the right 
to vote goes hand in hand with the 
freedom to think, the freedom to 
speak, and we may be sure that when 
one goes, the others are threatened 
and will soon vanish also. It ap- 
pears certain that we shall have to 
give a good deal of thought to this 
question before it is too late to do 
anything at all. In these days when 
whole nations are wiped out in the 
twinkling of an eye, we may not ex- 
pect the reaction to announce its 
coming in advance, nor may we com- 
placently as'sume that, after all, 
these things do not happen here. It 
is not unreasonable to expect that 
when, or rather if, the reaction in 
this country gets the upper hand 
completely, that which is happening 
in Europe today may in contrast 
take on the appearance* of a Sun- 
day picnic. For there is no beast 
like the property-beast aroused, and 
that beast of property is most fully 

developed here in the United Stati I 
There is appended hereto a memo 
randum revealing some of the <U 
Acuities encountered in varioui 
states. This is not a complete rei 
ord, but it sufficiently indicates I In 
unmistakable trend, and reveals thl 
potential danger to a minority pari \ . 
and the complete disregard of thl 
rights, even under their own law,, 
by the politicians whenever it suih 
their convenience to disregard 1 In' 
law. (See footnote p. 117.) 

Internal Difficulties. 

A — Trials and Errors 
(Expulsions, etc.) 

The four-year period since the la I 
convention has produced its quota M 
disciplinary cases, with expulsion! 
and/or suspensions resulting. I 
brief summary only will be given nl 
these, since they were dealt with bj 
detail in the annual reports to bh( 
N.E.C. The first was the so-call«4 

O'Brien case in Connecticut, c 

mencing already during the IDJMl 
campaign, which reached scandnlmm 
proportions before it was finally U < 
minated. While O'Brien was till 
chief offender, his disgraceful cow 
duct could not have caused the dalfl 
age it did had it not been for I 111 
weakness of the then State Execiillvw 
Committee which failed large! v m 
its duty to protect Party intey.nh 
and Party interests. O'Brien vvM 
finally expelled. Later, five tiiein 
bers of Section Hartford wen i 
pelled as a direct result of lliM 
O'Brien incident. In the case nj 
these five we are confronted with I hit 
familiar blend of stubbornness mill 
stupidity, rather than conscious vh'h 

nusness in wrongdoing. Their con- 
'lnrl, however, left the Party no 
ohoice but to get rid of them. 

During the period of 1937-1938 
Wt had quite a lot of trouble in dif- 
I' rent parts of the country. First 
I here was the case of the faithless 
Houth Slavonian Federation secreta- 
I ) He was expelled under circum- 
tances that left an indelible stain 
"I 'on his character. In Section Peo- 
rlt, 111., three were expelled, and 

I WO or three dropped out as a direct 
i < suit of these expulsions, reducing 
the Section to an extent that made 

I I necessary to disband it, and to 

I "nslitute the remaining members a 

I I ranch of Section Fulton Co., 111. 
<>n! in California there was a some- 
H hat distant echo of the RuiznSchnur 
disruption, in the case of Caesar 
Booth who (apparently suffering 
1 1 "in delusions of grandeur) like his 
illustrious namesake tried to hold the 
world in awe, but could not even ex- 
pel the flaw of his winter's discon- 
I nt ! However, staggering under 
i lie weight of two such names as 
1 lesar and Booth, one should per- 
Mps not wonder that he caved in! 
Il< promptly found shelter in the S. 
I I'. Garbage Can of previously ex- 
pelled disrupters. In Rockford, 111., 
ime C.E. Crawford, whose collapse 
■ in S.L.P. man had been notice- 
« I ilc for some time, revealed himself 
«n a double-dealing traitor, and also 
promptly landed in the Garbage Can 

or, rather, it was discovered that 
In 1 1 ad been residing in it even while 
iii|oying the honor of S.L.P. mem- 
I" is I lip, and therein lay his double- 
li i ling treachery. There were a few 
iiihlilional expulsions, including the 
■tiler pathetic case of Sidney Ar- 

•■ who was expelled by Section 

wnyne Co., Mich. A one-time clear 

and loyal S.L.P. man, gone wrong 
due, perhaps, primarily to what 
seemed a partial nervous or mental 
collapse. At the time of his expulsion 
Armer might well have said with 
Byron- — ■ 

". . . . I am not now 

That which I have 'been." 

Armer, the one-time loyal S.L.P. 
man and superb artist, will be grate- 
fully remembered. The sooner the 
latter-day Armer is forgotten, the 
greater the mercy. 

During the period of 1938-1939 
there were but few expulsions. They 
included another member of many 
years' standing, John Rowe, who 
slandered his way out of the Party, 
the victim of his slanders and vilifi- 
cations being primarily Comrade 
William Woodhouse. 

During the period of 1939-1940 
there were expulsions numbering six- 
teen and two suspensions. The expul- 
sions included four from the South 
Slavonian Federation and one from 
the Bulgarian Federation. Of the two 
suspensions, one of them — J, Stol- 
tenberg of Section Milwaukee — con- 
stituted a reduced sentence, so to 
speak, Stoltenberg having been origi- 
nally expelled, but on appeal it was 
found that his offense did not war- 
rant expulsion, and he was declared 
suspended for six months. He was 
reinstated in August, 1939, and was 
again suspended for one month by 
Section Milwaukee in January this 
year. But this is part of the story 
of the dissension and disturbances 
inside Section Milwaukee. A refer- 
ence to this situation was made in 
the report to the N.E.C. in 1939, and 
it was then hoped that the trouble 
would be settled without casualties, 
but this was not to be. The most 
amazing feature of the situation in 



Milwaukee was the conduct and sub- 
sequent self-elimination of five mem- 
bers whose records in the Party had 
been such that it would have been 
considered impossible a year before 
that they could ever had been guilty 
of such misconduct. If there is the 
least grain of S.L.P. manhood left 
in these five, the crimson blush of 
shame must mount their cheeks 
whenever they reflect on their con- 
duct, and the injury they inflicted on 
the S.L.P. j to which they owed so 
much, as do we all. The five were 
Joe and Charles Ehrhardt, sons of 
an honored S.L.P. man of the Hun- 
garian Federation; John Schleier, 
Mary Ehrhardt and Abe Fisher. 
There is simply no accounting for 
the conduct of these five men on ra- 
tional or honorable grounds. Assum- 
ing that they did not all collapse 
mentally, their conduct revealed 
flaws in their characters., and a 
weakness in moral and intellectual 
fibre, that would eventually have 
proved fatal to their S.L.P. member- 
ship. They literally ran away, but 
if they believed that they could run 
away from themselves or their rec- 
ords, they are badly mistaken. For 
to run away from trouble that mitst 
be faced in the integrity of one's 
manhood is neither reasonable nor 

The story is a long and a pathetic 
one, the telling of which would con- 
sume scores of pages and hours in 
recital. It has cost the National 
Office dearly in precious time and 
in money, just as all such cases do. 
In recording it briefly here, substan- 
tial justice is done to the demands 
of S.L.P. history. In a letter or- 
dered sent to the Section by the N. 
E.C, Sub-Committee on August 24 
last, the story is told in outline. It 

should be noted here that both Com- 
rades Bopp and Quinn were sent to 
Milwaukee in the hope that the Sec- 
tion might be preserved intact, Com 
rade Quinn taking particular pains 
to reason with the five mentioned 
before. But all in vain. The letter 
of the N.E.C. Sub-Committee of 
August follows: 

"To the Organizer and Members of 

Section Milwaukee, Wis. 
"Dear Comrades: 

"The N.E.C. Sub-Committee 
given careful consideration to tlm 
voluminous letters and reports pre- 
sented to it in connection with I lie 
internal difficulties that arose in See 
tion Milwaukee, which for so many 
months have undoubtedly acted as n 
brake on the proper functioning Q| 
the Section, even though (to the 
credit of the majority of the SectifljJ 
membership) these difficulties did 
not result in completely disrupting 
or paralyzing the Section's activities 
We have arrived at the followin 
main conclusions : 

"1. While at first it appear* 
that the trouble in the Section w 
caused originally by the Stoltenbeij 
case, and the dissatisfaction of ce 
tain members with the Sub-Conimi 
tee's decision on Comrade Stoltl 
berg's appeal, it seems quite cloi 
now that the Stoltenberg case w 
merely one of many incidents Hi 
took place during several years— 1 
cidents more or less related .m 
that the dissatisfaction with the Suit 
Committee's action on Comrade Slut 
tenberg's appeal (while undoubtedly 
present) merely constituted the ill 
max of the long train of events N 
suiting from internal friction nnl 
necessarily relating to the Slol It'll 
berg case, and the clashing of o|>p 

nig personalities. As Comrade 
Quinn says in his report (copy of 
which is enclosed), referring to the 
result of his investigations which, he 
lays, 'conclusively show one thing: 
...that in the Section there are 
| were] two well developed factions,' 
a i id that 'mistakes have been made 
by both factions,' and that the Sec- 
linn as a whole had failed to observe 
'proper Party procedure/ one result 
of which having been that members 
would indulge in personalities, some- 
I lines shockingly so, without (as 
.li led) proper correctives being ap- 

"2. We further conclude that there 
lias at no time been any attempt at 
deliberate disruption, or conscious 
dp, agreement with Party principles 
generally, although one of the most 
vital principles has been flagrantly 
disregarded, or violated, by adher- 
i nIs of both 'factions' — to wit, the 
organization principle and Party dis- 
cipline. The violence with which the 
Organization principle has been as- 
saulted, or disregarded (particularly 
by the five who tendered their resig- 
nations), establishes the fact that 
Hh incompatibilities among certain 
members were, and are, so great as 
lo preclude the possibility, now or in 
Hie future, of their ever being able 
lo work together in a harmonious and 
Bomradely spirit. 

",*j. The fact is disclosed that 
.'imong the membership there are 
|Ome to whom the S.L.P. principles 
mid organization mean little or noth- 
ing, while their egos and personal 
roiii forts or conveniences apparently 
mean everything to them. We refer 
In iv. particularly to the five who ten- 
dered their resignations. The pres- 
ence of such individuals in a revolut- 
ionary organization (especially such 

a one as the S.L.P., and, above all, 
at such times as these) obviously 
constitutes a menace to the safety of 
the Party, and to the future security 
of fellow members, for he who now 
will throw overboard principles be- 
cause of a bruised ego, or because 
his or her personal comforts or con- 
veniences suffer as a result of mem- 
bership in the S.L.P. — such a one 
would hardly hesitate to desert or be- 
tray his fellow-members in a major 
revolutionary crisis, nor would he or 
she hesitate to sacrifice the Party's 
vital interests, at a critical moment, 
on the altar of egotism and egoism. 

"4. The further fact is disclosed 
that some of the members, as already 
stated, have thrown to the winds all 
restraint, and all consideration for 
the spirit of fraternal fellowship 
that should bind members of the S. 
L.P. together, in their abusive lan- 
guage, and slanderous references to 
other members of the Section, while 
other members appear to have acted 
on the principle (unconsciously or 
otherwise) that the end justifies the 
means — that is, they seem to have 
employed methods scarcely to their 
credit, though their intentions and 
the desired end probably were laud- 
able enough. Thus, with regard to 
the former, the conduct of Joe Ehr- 
hardt and A. Fisher has been utterly 
inexcusable and reprehensible in the 
highest degree, while the conduct of 
Mary and Charles Ehrhardt, and 
John Schleier, has been such as to 
merit severest condemnation, partly 
because of their positive support of 
the organization anarchism, and im- 
proper conduct generally, of the two 
first-mentioned members, and partly 
because of their contribution (nega- 
tively, in the main, perhaps) to the 
spirit of disruption rampant at one 


time in the Section as a result of 
clashing egos. 

"On the other hand, the conduct 
of such members as John Stoltenberg 
and Arnold Fortman has also left 
much to be desired. Since Comrade 
Stoltenberg has suffered punishment 
for his transgressions, nothing more 
need be said concerning his past 
mistakes, except to express the hope 
that he will have learned a bitter 
lesson from these mistakes and their 
consequences, and that henceforth he 
will pull in harness and observe 
strict discipline, with respect to deci- 
sions of the Section. 

"In the case of Comrade Fortman, 
we are constrained to observe that 
his (in part) proven and admitted 
misconduct deserved administration 
of some degree of punishment, but in 
the light of the Section's own failure 
to observe order and discipline as a 
whole, and concluding that Comrade 
Fortman, too, has learned a bitter 
and apparently much needed lesson, 
the N.E.C. Sub-Committee is content 
to consider the ease of Comrade 
Fortman likewise closed, with this 
proviso: Since Comrade Fortman's 
offense was the second one in recent 
years, if there should be a recurrence 
of similar offenses on the part of 
Comrade Fortman, the Section is di- 
rected in such eventuality to take 
drastic action, and in no way to 'tem- 
per justice with mercy.' 

"5. We cannot know definitely 
whether the five 'dissenting' members 
would have acted in a manner essen- 
tially different from the one they 
adopted if the Sub-Committee's deci- 
sion on the Stoltenberg appeal had 
been such as to meet with their ap- 
proval. This we do know, and the 
fact must be strongly emphasized, 
that in their reactions to the Sub- 

Committee's decision on the Stolten- 
berg appeal, they proved themselves 
in open rebellion against a decision 
by the N.E.C. Sub-Committee, wliicli 
under the Constitution the Commit 
tee was charged with rendering, and 
in the rendering of which the Sub 
Committee, and its special Grievance 
Committee, expended a great deal of 
time and honest thinking. By rising 
in rebellion against the Sub-Com 
mittee's decision on the Stoltenberj 
appeal, the five 'dissenters' expressei 
their contempt for the constitution, 
which they themselves had assist- J 
in preparing and adopting, as well 
as the organizational principle which 
they had been so eager and relettl 
less to invoke in the charges again 1 . 1 
Comrade Stoltenberg. Moreover, tin 
protestations of the five 'dissenters' 
notwithstanding, their rebellion eon 
stituted an utterly unwarranted a! 
front to the Sub-Committee itself, mi 
affront which in effect amounted M 
saying that the N.E.C. Sub-Commit 
tee had not given honest, consciefl 
tious and intelligent consideration In 
the charges against Comrade Stol- 
tenberg, or that the .Sub-Commit I' | 
had special reasons for acting as il 
did on the Stoltenberg appeal. Tic 
contemptible attitude of the five 'di| 
senters' in this respect emphasui 
their absolute anti-organizatioind 
conceptions and conduct. We ■•■ 
advisedly 'contemptible,' since imlli 
ing else can properly describe it. li 
a democratic organization, which 1 
completely in the hands of the rani 
and file, and in which every intllvl 
dual member has an equal and m. 
trammeled right to contribute to 
formulation of constitutional mil 
and procedure, it is cowardly RIM 
contemptible to disregard these self 
determined rules when they alliil 

idversely one's wishes or prefer- 
■ ni es. What the 'dissenting' mera- 
bcrs, who revolted because of the 
lljb Committee's decision on the 
Itoltenberg appeal — what in effect 
liny said was this: 'We approve en- 
tirely the Party's constitution, and 
Wit! Party's rulings, if and when we 
' hi apply them against those with 
whom we disagree. But we utterly 
tilaapprove of them when they pre- 
ii nl us from having our way, or 
n Inn they are applied against us. If 
< i can make the rules of "the game," 

• niil change them during "the game" 
i" suit ourselves, we will play. 
Otherwise, if we must abide by the 
"lies we ourselves helped to make, 
"Inn to do so goes against our in- 
I' rests or pleasures, then we don't 
Rant to play.' In the sporting world 
|Ucll an attitude automatically would 
hiii- from the play those holding it, 

• nd they would be looked upon with 
■ ■ ">'n or contempt. What shall we 

' \ . then, when such craven, or un- 
l><>rlsmanlike, attitude finds expres- 

m a revolutionary organization, 

•\ here abiding by the rules may con- 
>> Ivably become a matter of life and 
ileal h to those who are determined 
H 'play the game' according to the 
tides, fairly and honorably? 

"ii. There is one thing more to be 

linled for the record, namely, the 

I inns of the five who tendered their 

resignations, that Comrade Bopp had 

|»«dc false and misleading state- 

Is concerning them, and who 

[lirther claimed that they were de- 
hImI the opportunity to 'defend' 
Ihtinsclves against these alleged and misleading statements. We 
Hlii I no evidence of any false and 
Misleading statements having been 
■lltile by Comrade Bopp. Whatever 
h|h 'resigners' may think of the opin- 

ions expressed by Comrade Bopp, 
there has been no misstatement of 
facts, and the 'resigners' have sub- 
mitted no proof. 

"As to their claim that they have 
been denied an opportunity to defend 
themselves against what they con- 
ceived to be false and misleading 
statements by Comrade Bopp, we 
find no basis for that claim. Comrade 
Bopp's statement with regard to the 
Stoltenberg case being closed was a 
factual statement, a statement re- 
cording a legal or technical fact. It 
did not mean, and could not have 
meant, that if one or all of the five 
resigning members had been, in fact, 
misrepresented or unjustly branded 
in a manner reflecting on their char- 
acters or conduct — if they had been 
so treated, that they would not be 
permitted to submit a statement of 
fact — relevant fact or facts— to re- 
fute the alleged misleading state- 
ments concerning them. Subsequent 
developments proved that they were 
not sincere in their protestations. 
The five resigning members had been 
invited (rather urged) to attend the 
Section meeting of July 14. Three 
of them attended, namely, Joe and 
Mary Ehrhardt, and Abe Fisher. 
According to Comrade Quinn (in his 
letter to the National Secretary of 
July 17), 'three of the dissenters 
came to the meeting, took the floor, 
and by their feeble efforts proved to 
the members — if proof was still 

needed how utterly unable they 

were to present reasonable evidence 
of the incorrectness of the things 
Bopp had said about them in his re- 
ply to the Section's rebuttal. The 
talk of Joe Ehrhardt and A. Fisher, 
summed up, amounted to the word 
of these two members against that 
of Bopp. Bopp's statements, how- 


ever, were 'based upon the testimony 
of one or more comrades, while 
Ehrhardt's and Fisher's statements 
were unsupported by anyone but 
themselves.' Comrade Quinn adds 
that he 'encountered ample evidence 
from members to prove the correct- 
ness of practically everything that 
Bopp said about these individuals.' 
So much for these three. 

"As to Charles Ehrhardt and John 
Schleier, they did not even deign to 
appear, or to send excuses for not 
appearing, nor did they submit to 
the aforementioned meeting any writ- 
ten statement in lieu of any oral 
statement they otherwise might have 
made before the meeting. In failing 
to do one or the other, these two in 
effect confessed that they had no 
case — that they had no statements 
to make which would, or could, con- 
trovert Comrade Bopp's 'report.' 

"It is important to note these 
facts for the record. Our experience 
in the past, and considering the re- 
cent conduct of these five 'dissent- 
ers,' should prepare us for the usual 
charge of 'unfair' or 'dictatorial' 
treatment given those who in one 
way or another develorj differences 
with the Party. And let there be no 
mistake about it ! Joe, Mary and 
Charles Ehrhardt, as well as John 
Schleier and Abe Fisher, are in vio- 
lent disagreement with, and rebel- 
lion against, the Socialist Labor 
Party, its principles and organiza- 
tion. In throwing overboard their 
membership, for a light or frivolous 
cause (if cause there was at all), 
they have thrown overboard the prin- 
ciples as well. For, once again, the 
principles and the organization are 

"7. The chief problem confront- 
ing the Party is: what to do about 


the five members who so wantonly 
threw overboard their Party mem 
bership, and with that the great 
principle to whieh they had pledged 
solemn allegiance. In the cases of 
these five — to wit, Joe and Mary 
Ehrhardt, Charles Ehrhardt, John 
Schleier, and Abe Fisher — the judg 
ment of the Party must be the se- 
verest, and in the cases particularly 
of Joe Ehrhardt and Abe Fisher ex 
pulsion would certainly in normal 
circumstances be the proper punish 
merit, while — in normal circuin 
stances — suspensions for prolonged 
periods would be proper and just in 
the cases of Mary Ehrhardt, Charles 
Ehrhardt and John Schleier. Tin 
suggestions made by Comrade Quinn 
in his report (which he has shier 
withdrawn as impracticable, or nnl 
fitting the offenses) cannot be t| 
cepted by the N.E.C. Sub-Coin mil 
tee. Taking into consideration I lie 
fact that Section Milwaukee as I 
whole, and members individuallVi 
were guilty of anti-organizatioinj 
acts; taking further into consider! 
tion the fact that by their condin I 
the aforementioned -five .memlxTfl 
have revealed weaknesses in 
ter, and lack of understanding of 
the serious responsibility adhering In 
membership in the S.L.P. — tuklrtl 
all this into consideration, the. N.K,(*t 
Sub-Committee directs Section Ml|> 
waukee to accept the resignation', <>\ 
Joe and Mary Ehrhardt, Ch.nt. >i 
Ehrhardt, John Schleier and M 
Fisher, with the proviso that I In \ I" 
placed in the category of expel h il Ifl 
dividuals, not to be read-milled ■ 
membership in the Socialist l.'iliilf 
Party in the future, these five I on 
ing, as stated, proved thcmai Ivh( 
completely disqualified, as well ( 
wholly unworthy of the greal Imuiif 

of enjoying membership in the So- 
cialist Labor Party. Section Mil- 
waukee is further directed to advise 
Hie said Joe a»d Mary Ehrhardt, 
('liarles Ehrhardt, John Schleier and 
Abe Fisher, of this decision, and the 
eon forming decision of the Section, 
ending to each a copy of this state- 
ment, so that they may remain in no 
doubt with respect to their unpar- 
donable offense against the Socialist 
I ,abor Party, principles and organi- 
.-..ilion, and so that, further, they 
may fully comprehend the abhor- 
rence with which their conduct and 
desertion are held by the Socialist 
Labor Party, and the attitude that 
loyal S.L.P. men and women will 
hereafter assume toward them. Be- 
fore accepting the resignations of 
Ihese five, however, the Section is 
directed to ascertain whether or not 
I hey are under any financial, or other 
property, obligations to the S.L.P. 
1 1' they have in their possession col- 
lection lists, or other matter of ac- 
tual or potential value belonging to 
the Socialist Labor Party, they must 
account to the Party in full for all 
such matters before their resigna- 
tions may 'be accepted. 

"The question having been raised 
us to the matter of fraternizing with 
Ihese five, with particular reference 
In those closely related to them, the 
Vl'.C. Sub-Committee advises Sec- 
lion Milwaukee that in cases of close 
family relationship, association be- 
Iween members and expelled disrupt- 
i is, or those placed in the category 
of expelled individuals, does not con- 
stitute fraternizing with expelled 
disrupters. The Party recognizes 
I hat it cannot be expected that loyal 
Party members will, or necessarily 
should, break off all relations with 
fulhers, sons, daughters, husbands or 

wives, even though these had been 
expelled as disrupters, or placed in 
that category because of their mis- 


"The N.E.C Sub-Committee hopes 
and expects that Section Milwaukee 
will now resume, 100 per cent, its 
activities in behalf of the Party's 
program and principles, undaunted 
by the recent unpleasant experience, 
and remembering only the grave re- 
sponsibilities, and great task, resting 
upon the Party and its members, in 
this world crisis, fate- freighted as 
it is for our class and our Party. We 
owe a duty to our class and to our 
glorious traditions, no less than to 
our posterity, as well as to the in- 
terests of our suffering fellow-work- 
ers. Let us rise superior to all ob- 
stacles; let us subordinate our per- 
sonal and private feelings and inter- 
ests, to the end that the emancipation 
of the working class may be effected 
in our time, which means that we 
must work together in harmony, and 
concentrate our efforts in fulfillment 
of our pledge that — 


"By instruction of the N.E.C. 


"Fraternally yours, 
(Signed) "Arnold Petersen, 

"National Secretary." 

Several of the hopes expressed in 
this letter have not been realized. 
Instead of closing this unpleasant 
and, in so many respects, disgraceful 
interlude, strife broke out anew 
within a few months, this time pro- 
voked by Comrade Stoltenberg, who 
wantonly preferred groundless, and 


highly frivolous, charges against the 
then organizer, Comrade A. Potter, 
who (so far as the National Office 
has been able to observe) conscienti- 
ously strove to uphold the Sub-Com- 
mittee's decisions, though possibly 
not in complete agreement with all its 
conclusions. Several other charges 
and counter-charges were filed, and 
the N.E.C. Sub-Committee had to 
step in once again, directing the Sec- 
tion to dismiss some of the 'charges 
as improper or utterly groundless, or 
to try charges that had been dis- 
missed by the Section, though defin- 
itely in order. As a result, Com- 
rade Stoltenberg was again suspend- 
ed, this time for one month — a pe- 
riod ridiculously out of proportion 
to the seriousness of the offense com- 
mitted — an offense prompted either 
by profound ignorance of the or- 
ganization principle involved, or by 
a desire openly to flout the N.E.C. 
Sub-Committee with respect to its 
previous instructions to the Sections 
to close the previous incident, or in- 
cidents. Unless there has been a 
marked change for the better recent- 
ly, the situation in Section Milwau- 
kee may best be described as a state 
of truce. The National Office plans 
to place Comrade Pirincin in the 
Milwaukee-Chicago territory shortly 
after the Convention, and we hope 
tli at he will be able to reawaken, or 
instil into the minds of the mem- 
bers, a sense of responsibility, and a 
recognition of their duties to the or- 
ganization which they claim they de- 
sire to serve. It is humiliating to 
reflect that after all the experience 
the Party has had with such matters, 
such disgraceful incidents could hap- 
pen in a Section such as Milwaukee, 
which we had almost come to look 
upon as an impregnable fortress of 


S.L.P. discipline and organization 
loyalty. The majority of the mem- 
bers in Section Milwaukee have — for 
one reason or another— cause to feel 
thoroughly ashamed of themselves: 
for they have shown once again that 
what the out-and-out enemy is un- 
able to do, they have brought about 
through that evil combination of per- 
sonal vanity, corrosive egotism, false 
pride, stubborn resistance to reason 
and common sense, insufficient un- 
derstanding of organization prin- 
ciples, and disregard of the vita], 
the basic interests of the organiza- 

In Buffalo, N.Y., there has, for 
some years, persisted a situation not 
unlike that in Milwaukee. Superfi 
cially here, too, there seems to be a 
clashing of personalities, though one 
sometimes wonders whether after all 
there may not be deeper causes. 
Both the New York S.E.C. and the 
National Office have for years tried 
to get to the bottom of the real 
trouble — if there is a bottom! 13 u f 
falo, as you will remember, was the 
domain, so to speak, of the unscrupu- 
lous Boris Reinstein, whose evil cun- 
ning — having wrought so much dam 
age to the S.L.P. — has received, and 
perhaps still is receiving, its propel 
reward in Stalinist Russia. Buffalo 
also became the adopted home of thl 
unscrupulous and corrupted Rudolph 
Katz. Whether the seeds of disrup 
tion and treason sown by these twfl 
unprincipled arch-conspirators and 
Machiavellians are still sprouting [| 
perhaps not subject to actual proof, 
but to one who went through thl 
harrowing experience of handling 
this gentry twenty-odd years ago, il 
is difficult to shake off the feeling 
that there may be forces of disrup 
tion in the background which SUC 

cessfully have defied detection, and 
which (if actually present) with 
equal success has kept the Party 
from getting firmly established in 
that large industrial city. 

Recently there was another flare- 
up which resulted in the expulsion 
nf one John Wroblewski, whose con- 
nections with the Party reach into 
the past. In the manner typical of 
I lie organization anarchist, he began 
lo write violently slanderous letters 
to the National Office, the particu- 
lar object of his venom being the 
organizer, Comrade Papadopolos. 
This followed a protracted series of 
lumultuous Section meetings where 
practically no work was done, but 
where trivial or foolish questions 
were permitted to consume the great- 
er part of the time that should have 
been devoted to constructive work, 
finally Wroblewski was expelled. 
Wroblewski apparently has succeed- 
ed in taking with him one other mem- 
ber, one Kaznowski, who, however, 
lias remained in the background, 
Wroblewski vouching for Kaznow- 
ski's support in his treason to the 
Party, very much as if he, Wrob- 
lewski, owned Kaznowski, body and 
soul. Perhaps he does. If not, it 
must be assumed that he succeeded 
in poisoning the mind of Kaznowski, 
who by this time is either expelled, 
or on the way out. [Information 
lias just been received that Kaznow- 
ski was expelled, having defied the 
summons of the Section to appear be- 
fore the Grievance Committee.] The 
case of such people as Kaznowski 
must ever remind us of the truth that 
n villainous slander sleeps comfort- 
ably in a fool's ear. 

Whether Wroblewski is simply ig- 
norant and stubborn, or a wilful dis- 
rupter, may never be known. It is 

likely that he is the more fool than 
villain. If there is truth in the say- 
ing that a fool and his money are 
soon parted, there is even greater 
truth in insisting that a fool and his 
folly are not divorcible. One sticks 
to the other with the tenacity born 
of the primitive urge never willingly 
to let go of what is truly one's own ! 
Folly and ignorance, said Shakes- 
peare, are the common curse of man- 
kind. It is indeed unpleasant to 
have to acknowledge this in applica- 
tion to a situation within the S.L.P. 
It is expected that before long 
complete order will be restored in 
Buffalo, and that Section Erie Co. 
will soon take its place among Sec- 
tions that mean to go places, and 
know how to get to them. 

B — Errors, Trials and Tribulations. 

(Criticisms, Dissensions and 


Under this general head must be 
considered the trouble which arose 
out of the intellectual and functional 
collapse of the former Editor of the 
WEEKLY PEOPLE. There is no 
need of repeating the known facts, 
but for the record mention must be 
made briefly of the basic facts. In 
the summer of 1937 (the summer we 
moved into our new quarters), the 
then Editor, Comrade Olive M. 
Johnson, revealed herself as com- 
pletely incompetent and irrespon- 
sible, leading to her resignation be- 
ing tendered to take effect at the N. 
E.G. Session in 19:38. Being piqued 
at the Sub-Committee's rejection of 
a worthless essay on the labor move- 
ment in the United States, and per- 
haps for other reasons of her own, 
she committed the shocking act of 
walking out on her job, without re- 


gard to her duties and responsibili- 
ties to the organization, formally 
tendering her resignation to take ef- 
fect as of February 12, 1938 — that 
is, her letter of resignation was re- 
ceived on February 14! Had this 
been done by a subordinate employe, 
it would still have been a disgrace- 
ful act. But this act being commit- 
ted by a person who supposedly was 
wearing the cloak of the immortal 
De Leon, one stands bewildered and 
pondering. The ex-Editor was prop- 
erly and severely condemned by the 
N.E.C. Sub-Committee, and later by 
the N.E.C, and narrowly escaped 
expulsion. Though shocked, the 
membership apparently unanimously 
approved the action taken by the Na- 
tional Office and by the N.E.C. to 
deal with the consequences resulting 
from the ex-Editor's desertion of an 
important post. After an interlude, 
during which Comrade Emil F. 
Teichert served as Acting Editor, 
the membership elected Comrade 
Eric Hass to fill the important post 
of National Editor. This Conven- 
tion, and the membership generally, 
must be the j udge with regard to the 
extent of the improvement in the 
contents and appearance of the 
WEEKLY PEOPLE. That new life, 
greater force and vigor, more bril- 
liancy have been infused in the 
WEEKLY PEOPLE (now in its 
fiftieth year), is apparently univer- 
sally conceded. During the trying 
interlude Comrade Teichert per- 
formed his duties competently and 
conscientiously, ably assisted by the 
secretary of the former Editor, Miss 
Florence A. Wills — now Comrade 
Florence A. Wills. It becomes our 
duty to make the WEEKLY PEO- 
PLE far better known than it is 
now, in order that it may attain that 


circulation and influence which La 
scientific and literary contents de- 
serve, and which its importance tl 
the bona fide American Marxian 
journal demands. 

There have been some criticism! 
and dissenting opinions presented 
during the last couple of years, mo si 
of them emanating from Section 
Wayne County (Detroit). These havr 
been dealt with as they were re 
ceived, and apparently settled to I he 
Section's satisfaction, though the N« 
tional Secretary's reply to the most 
recent criticism from Detroit si ill 
awaits the Section's reactions. Nnl 
all the criticisms came from Section 
Wayne County officially — several 
came from one or two members hn 
individuals. We count no less limn 
eight such "critiques" since the sum 
mer of 1938, including two from an 
individual member — one on I ><■ 
Leon's and the Party's contention! 
■with regard to the degree of c\ 
ploitation (this comrade contending 
that the workers receive from 70 per 
cent to 80 per cent of the tola I 
wealth produced every year) ; ami 
one on the manner in which tU 
howling Fascist-Ultramontane priesl 
Coughlin's sheet was handled in col 
respondence from the National Of 
fice; while from another individual 
member there has been criticism of 
the Party's analysis of the funelioin 
of the State, with particular refer 
ence to the Stalinist contention thai 
the State is needed in Russia for 
purely military reasons! Some ralln i 
startling views and opinions h.-n> 
been expressed, particularly in 1,1m 
letters from the individual memhei . 

With regard to the official erilb 
cisms of the Section, these !><•;■. ■" 


with the letter received in 1938. It 
was printed in the 1939 N.E.C. re- 
port together with the reply of the 
N.K.C. Sub-Committee, and needs no 
further comment here. The next was 
I criticism of the manner in which 
N.K.C. Sessions and National Con- 
ventions were conducted— or rather, 
I lie manner in which our Detroit 
comrades thought they were con- 
ducted. Since several rather impor- 
tant points and misconceptions are 
Involved in this connection, the cor- 
respondence is produced herewith: 

"Detroit, Mich., 
August 23, 1939. 
"Mr. Arnold Petersen, 
National Secretary, etc. 
"Dear Comrade Petersen: 

"The following statement was 
adopted at the regular General Sec- 
lion meeting on Sunday, August 20, 
and is hereby submitted to the Na- 
tional Office for consideration: 

"Section Wayne County is assum- 
ing that the procedure in past N.E.C. 
meetings and National Conventions 
lias been the reading of National Of- 
fice reports that consumed up to the 
better part of one whole day. Inas- 
much as N.E.C. meetings and Na- 
tional Conventions usually last up to 
three days, one-third of the precious 
lime is spent listening to the above 

"Section Wayne County wonders 
if this procedure of reading the en- 
tire report could not be eliminated in 
favor of a more efficient disposition 
of the Party's time. Perhaps the Na- 
tional Secretary could give a sum- 
mary in place of reading the entire 
report. If, as we assume is the case, 
I hat NjE.C. members are already in 
possession of certain information em- 
bodied in the National Office's re- 

port, does not this in itself render 
superfluous the rereading of the cor- 
respondence in the hands of N.E.C. 
members ? 

"Our Section is convinced that if 
the National Office report could be 
placed in the hands of N.E.C. Mem- 
bers and Delegates to the National 
Conventions two weeks beforehand 
for them to study, that a more intel- 
ligent discussion and more efficient 
handling of the Party's problems 
would result. 

"Of course, the Section realizes 
that the task of getting the report 
made up is a tremendous one, but 
we cannot see how the task would be 
made heavier by having it finished 
two weeks earlier. It is our convic- 
tion that the temporary inconveni- 
ence of preparing the reports two 
weeks earlier would be more than 
recompensed by the increased pre- 
paredness of the N.E.C. members 
and National Convention Delegates 
for their responsible task of formu- 
lating the Party's policies during the 
next year and four years respec- 

"We submit the above for your 

"Fraternally yours, 
(Signed!) "Clayton O'Donohue, 
Section Wayne County." 

The following reply was sent: 

"New York,N.Y., 
August 25, 1939. 
"Mr. Clayton O'Donohue, 
Section Wayne County, Mich., etc. 
"Dear Comrade O'Donohue: 

"I received your letter of August 
23. I have read the Section's state- 
ment adopted at the regular General 


Section meeting of August 20 with 
interest and considerable surprise. 
While it is commendable and emi- 
nently desirable that Sections and 
members take a serious interest in 
the administration of the Party's af- 
fairs, it seems to me that Section 
Wayne County might take it for 
granted that the National Office and 
the N.E.C. are quite competent to 
handle matters of a purely routine 
and executive nature. If the Section 
cannot take that for granted, allow 
me to assure the Section that the Na- 
tional Office and the National Exec- 
utive Committee really are fully com- 
petent to do so, with very particular 
reference to the points dealt with in 
the Section's statement. 

"Speaking for myself, I reject the 
Section's gratuitous assumption, or 
inference, that the reading of the 
annual reports constitutes a waste of 
the Party's time, or that the present 
procedure lessens in any sense or de- 
gree the possibilities of an 'intelli- 
gent discussion' or the 'efficient han- 
dling of the Party's problems.' In 
my judgment, it is 'far otherwise and 
to the contrary.' The reading of the 
report places the 'problems' directly 
before the N.E.C. members, the 
points are fresh in their minds, and, 
besides, each member is supplied 
with a copy of the report so that at 
his leisure, or at various committee 
sessions (I mean various committees 
elected to report on this or that), he 
can study more carefully those parts 
in which he is especially interested, 
or concerning which he may have 
had some doubt. 

"That Section Wayne County 
acted hastily, and without due con- 
sideration and forethought, in adopt- 
ing this statement, seems obvious to 
me. For one thing, the Section pre- 

sumes to advise on matters concern 
ing which it has no proper informa* 
tion. The Section might at leal 
have asked for the information it 
lacked before adopting such a stat<!« 
ment. In the first place, the N.E.C, 
Sessions do not normally last up to 
three days. On the average thai 
consume less than two days. In 'lie 
second place, the reading of the NJS 
C. report does not consume a day 
rarely does it take more than I'mir 
or five hours to read it. In the third 
place, the National Secretary dot ■ 
not read the report in its entiretj 
Large sections of the report an- m 
eluded for the record, and, win I 
such parts are reached, the Nations 
Secretary records that fact and sajfl 
that with the consent of the N.K.C 
this part will be omitted in reading. 
In the fourth place, except for brii I 
references through Sub-Commil l< | 
minutes, N.E.C. members, for qultl 
obvious reasons, are not familiar u illi 
the details of 'problems' dealt with 
in the National Secretary's repoH 
unless such 'problems' develop to till 
stage where action by the N.E.<' | 
required between sessions. Obvioil 
ly the National Office has nol till 
facilities for supplying copies to 
E.C. members of all the correspoii 
dence that is received by and lenvi 
the National Office — correspond 11 
which often reaches 'mountain. >u 
proportions at Sub- Committee mi i i 
ings. Besides, in so far as 'pmll 
lems' grow out of, or are featun i| 
such correspondence, which miidil 
conceivably require N.E.C. action 
that fact (if it be fact) self-evid< nil 
would not be revealed, or finally d< 

termined, until such correspond 

has been brought to a close, mil 
then, as stated, if action is impi i • 
tive, the matter is referred lo I In 



N.E.C. by mail. Otherwise, it is re- 
ferred to the N.E.C. in session 
through the National Secretary's re- 
port. Except in this sense, and in 
Mich cases, the N.E.C. members are 
not. 'in possession of certain infor- 
mation embodied in the National Of- 
fice's report. . . .' In any case, there 

rarely, if ever, an instance of 're- 
loading of. . . . correspondence in the 
hands of N.E.C. members.' That, 
too, the Section might have taken for 
i ted. 
"Another indication of the too 
hasty action of the Section in adopt- 
ing the statement are the obvious 
contradictions in the statement. On 
the one hand the Section assumes 
that the N.E.C. members already are 
in possession of information regard- 
ing the 'problems' to be handled 
[vide point about 'rereading of the 
correspondence,' etc.) at N.E.C. Ses- 
lions; on the other hand, the Section 
pleads that the report be placed in 
the hands of the N.E.C. members 
two weeks earlier so that they may 
Itudy' the problems — problems with 
which the Section had previously as- 
lUmed they were familiar! 

"It would neither be possible nor 
practicable to adopt the Section's 
Suggestion with respect to placing 
reports 'in the hands of N.E.C. 
members and delegates to the Na- 
Monal Conventions two weeks before- 
hand. . .' First, the preparing of the 
m port is not an automatic or machine 
jirocess. Secondly, the National Sec- 
retary cannot retire into a vacuum 
"ii. say, February 8, and then emerge 
mi April 8, with the report completed 
in so many duplicate, typewritten 
mpics. Work on the report is usnal- 
l\ started early in March. Intermit- 
I nlly sections are prepared, but, for 
a number of practical reasons, not 

completed until later. Statistics have 
to be compiled, the final figures fre- 
quently not available until the (al- 
most) eleventh hour. Certain 'prob- 
lems' requiring action by the N.E.C. 
often are not 'developed' until the 
very eve of the N.E.C. Session. And, 
generally speaking, it would be un- 
desirable to complete the report two 
or three weeks (it would mean three 
weeks, of course, if N.E.C. members 
were to receive copies 'two weeks be- 
forehand') in advance of the N.E.C. 
Session, for the same reason that it 
is undesirable to print a paper too 
far in advance of publication date. 
Moreover, with the best of inten- 
tions, it would be next to impossible 
for the National Secretary, in the 
midst of dealing with the many day- 
to-day problems of the office, to com- 
plete the report three whole weeks 
before the Session. The human ten- 
dency is to deal with those problems 
that imperatively demand immediate 
attention, and to defer action on 
those which, in fact, can suffer delay 
without serious or irreparable harm 
being caused. In that, as in other 
respects, the National Secretary ac- 
knowledges his human weakness, if 
weakness it be ! 

"The Section has also overlooked 
the important fact that the N.E.C. 
does not take office until May 1. In 
other words, if the report were to be 
sent to the N.E.C. two weeks in ad- 
vance of the Session, it would be the 
outgoing, and not the incoming, NM. 
C. which would receive it. It is, of 
course, no argument that the mem- 
bers of the incoming N.E.C. may be 
the same as the members of the out- 
going N.E.C, since they might be en- 
tirely new members, as, indeed, has 
happened, and logically could hap- 
pen any time. Moreover, the Na- 


tional Secretary does not necessarily 
know (sometimes he definitely does 
not know) three weeks in advance 
who will compose the incoming N.E. 
C and he has no right to act on as- 
sumptions in this respect, and cer- 
tainly would not do so. 

"The Section seems to have forgot- 
ten the limitations of facilities and 
help at National Headquarters We 
think we are quite efficient, and that 

a tremendous lot is accomplished 
with our limited force and facilities, 
but, after all, we are not magicians, 
and we ar, made of flesh and hones 

and nerves, subject to all thesis 
that Shakespeare speaks of! mis 
fact is particularly relevant when we 
now consider the Section's inclusion 
of conventions in its not so very 
helpful suggestions. Conventions are 
usually attended by around fifty Del- 
egates. Apart from the fact that m 
many cases information as to who 
will be the Delegates from certain 
states, or from the Federations, is 
not available until almost the very 
eve of a Convention— apart from 
that fact, has the Section given the 
slightest thought to what it means to 
type fifty or more copies of a report 
running to upward of 300 typewrit- 
ten pages? Our normal office force 
would not be equal to it. To hire 
extra help would he out of the ques- 
tion on such short notice, and tor 
such a short period— even it help 
were available that would be quali- 
fied for such highly specialized work 
as an S.L.P. Convention report. And 
even if help were available, we 
should be spending money to 'save 
time which no one has considered i* 
necessary to 'save'-or, rather, which 
no one had ever thought was being 
wasted! And to print such reports 
would be impossible, since with our 

mechanical facilities it usually take! 
a couple of months to produce pnnl 
ed copies of such reports. 

"All in all, the problems involved 
(to which the Section apparently hftl 
not given a moment's thought) are 10 
many, and so difficult, that I can 
only again express my amazemen 
that the Section could have adopts 
the statement it did; and here, M 
see ms to me, it is pertinent to It) 
something about wasting (or, if yOj 
like, saving) the Party's vakabl. 
time. Section Wayne County hai 
large field in which to work; LI I'' 
a large and active membership to (I 
this work; and excellent work till 

indeed, been done, and is being (1 

by the Section. But valuable 

could have been saved for doln| 
more of that excellent work il till 
Section would have thought th. ■ 
matters out, or secured the necessHl 
information, before adopting a 'statl 
ment.' In this respect the Section 
is but repeating its performance 01 
a year ago when it undertook to crlU 
cize and instruct in matters concern 
ing the WEEKLY PEOPLE- ml! 
ters about which, in large meaaurl 

the Section knew, and could 1 

nothing, and on which the Seel 

did not trouble to post itself be. 01 
criticizing and 'instructing.' 

"I regret to say this, but I bcllevl 

the time has come for some |>UIH 
speaking, if we are not to be eo.n|»d 

led in the future to waste l"<" 
has been done on this, as well %M 

the previous, occasion. For wlilll » 
may be argued that if out of I ill) 
as of the correspondence Oi 
year, good may come because ol I 
formation imparted, or greatel I 
derstanding acquired, and thiM 
cordingly, no time was really ■ waali 
—while that may be argued, .1 I 

I , with far neater force and rea- with the result that a perfunctory 

': lien il beT^ed that it should or wholly inadequate n&*£ 

, have been necessary to give time be given the Section later. And so 

, such-shall we say education? It I repeat, let us save the Party s 

, ZX « be ar'gued that the time, and let us do it where it is^sen- 

umbers of Section Wayne County 
ihould have thought these matters 
nul carefully; that they should have 
Intisted that those who proposed this 

. iz ing statement should have 

(through the Section, of course) se- 
, ured the information needed, before 
idopting statements that criticize, or 
presume to instruct, where neither 

sible and possible to do it, and let 
us each do our work in the spheres 
where, for one reason or another, we 
are best qualified to do it. 

"In conclusion, let me remind the 
comrades of Section Wayne County 
that these reports have been ren- 
dered in the identical manner for a 
good many years. It is reasonable 

, ., ,„ S tvu tion, is in place to suppose that if those (that „, the 
provSel of course, that the »■ N,E.C. members) on whom the read- 

ing is 'inflicted' thought that the re- 
porting could have been done in less 
time or more efficiently, they would 
themselves have taken steps to 
shorten the time or to increase the 
efficiency of rendering these reports. 
It is extraordinary, to say the least, 

l„ irs should have found it necessary 

to criticize or instruct in matters 

thai come entirely within National 

Office or executive routine. 

If the Section is concerned about 

I, [ng the Party's time (as I believe 

1 1 is, and as it properly should be), 

v I suggest that hereafter careful that members situated ^r^ds ot 

..iidcr.tion be given to tfe time- miles from New York few ofwta 
...tins involved in submitting 'state- have ever attended an N E.C hes 

; :;::cras the M J L**, *» or n*^ ^-^ ^ 

"|th particular reference to the time have felt the need of raising any 
. Id by the National Secretary in question about the alleged waste of 
,,,„; to write letters of this nature, time, etc., in rendering reports at 

This is Friday— ajways a very busy 
Ly, and particularly after a Sulb- 
< m.unittee meeting, which (like that 
E last night) lasted until midnight, 
\ [th a mass of important Party busi- 
es that brings exhaustion to all 
loncerned. Instead of devoting my 
h„n to the work that results from a 
.,,1, Committee meeting, I have felt 
Hbliged to devote a great deal of 
I inn* to the preparation of this let- 
In-. For while I might have delayed 
lilting so, the work and terrific pres- 
sure at the National Office is such 
lluil. if I did not attend to it imme- 
diately, I would probably find it nec- 
, iMury to defer action indefinitely, 

N.E.C. Sessions, etc. 

"I shall, of course, submit this 
correspondence to the next Sub-Com- 
mittee meeting, and time permitting 
copies will also be sent to the N.EjC. 
members, together with copies of the 
Section's letter. 

"Fraternally yours, 
(Signed) "Arnold Petersen, 

"National Secretary." 

The Section subsequently graci- 
ously acknowledged its error, and 
that closed this incident. 

Quite recently the Section submit- 
ted a criticism, with request for 
clarification, on the Party's pam- 




phlet "Soviet Russia: Promise or 
Menace?" or, more specifically, the 
criticism concerned itself with a 
point in Appendix B of that pam- 
phlet, relating to the matter of Len- 
in's (and now the Stalinists') silly 
and mi-Marxian contentions regard- 
ing the alleged evolution of "Social- 
ism" into "Communism," and the 
would-be "scientific difference" be- 
tween "Socialism" and "Commu- 
nism," the Section contending that 
Engels, and not Lenin, was original- 
ly responsible for the claims made 
aforesaid. In view of the importance 
of the subject, and the need for 
clarifying ourselves, the Section's 
criticism and the National Secreta- 
ry's reply are here reproduced: 

"[Section Wayne Co., Mich. 

"Endorsed at Meeting Held 
February 18, 1940.] 

"Re Appendix B of Pamphlet, 

"At the August 6, 1939, General 
Section meeting your committee was 
elected to study and report on the 
criticism made against the Appendix 
B of the pamphlet Soviet Russia. 
The committee has met three times 
to exchange notes and to discuss the 
material they had collected indivi- 
dually. While there was not unani- 
mity on all the points raised by the 
criticism, the committee was unani- 
mous in requesting the National Of- 
fice for more information. 

"Page 59, Appendix B, of Soviet 
Russia, quotes in part from Lenin's 
State and Revolution: 'And here we 
come to that question of the scien- 
tific difference between Socialism and 
Communism. , . .' It should be noted 
that it is clearly indicated that the 
entire sentence has not been quoted. 

The committee feels that the concllld 
ing part of the sentence would altol 
our opinion of Lenin as stated in \f 
pendix B. The complete sentence I 
'And here we come to that question 
of the scientific difference betwCBl 
Socialism and Communism, upgk 
•which Engels touched in his dm N 
sion cited above on the incorrcciv> ■ 
of the name Social Democrat.' I i • * * 

Lenin refers to Engels touching ii] 

the difference between Socialism ,'iinl 
Communism. Previously in the bofll 
State and Revolution, Lenin qimtl 
from an edition on Engels's articll I 
of the seventies, entitled, Interftt 
tionales au>s' dem Volkssta>at, |ml» 
lished January 3, 1894. The quotfl 
tion is as follows: 'For Marx and nn 
(Engels continues) it was, thcM 
fore, quite impossible to use 
an elastic term to describe our ptl 

ticular point of view. At the | 

ent time thinsrs are different, UB 
this word (Social Democrat) tnt! 
perhaps, pass muster, although I 
remains inexact (unpassend, lil m| 
ly "unsuitable") for a party wllil | 
economic program is not simply * 
general Socialist one, but defiuih Ii 
Communist-- — for a party whose limd 
aim is the suppression of the wild] 
state, and, therefore, also of dcimn 
racy. But the names of real (l<||| 
italics are Engels's) political \><< 

ties never completely corns | I 

with fact: the party develop;, ill 
name remains.' 

"If we assume this to be a cum \<\ 
translation and the paragraph qiinli | 
is not in conflict with the rest ol Ho 
articles written by Engels in llllf 
book then the blame of usin;- 1 1|| 
term Socialism and Commuui sin | 
distinguish two phases would \» 
that of Engels and consequently 
Lenin would be free of the accusal tuft 

1 nrreptitiously injecting prem- 


"We recommend that the Section 

■" ml this report to the Sub-Commit- 

iliat they may check up on this 

ter and report back to the Sec- 

< -in 


"Robert Fraser 
"Clayton O'Donohue 
"John Vonica 


The reply of the N.E.C. Sub- 
inittee follows: 

"March 14, 1940 
< el ion Wayne County, 
'•eialist Labor Party, 
'lines Sim, Organizer, etc. 
•ear Comrades: 

'The N.E.C. Sub-Committee has 
d presented to it the criticism of 
el ion Wayne County with respect 

i passage in Appendix B of the 
My pamphlet, 'Soviet Russia: 
Omise or Menace,' relating to the 
ms 'Socialism' and 'Communism' 
I I lie improper juggling with these 
ms by the Russian Bolsheviks, be- 
ii ling with Lenin, and ephasized 

I he Stalinists. Section Wayne 
unty contends, in effect, that the 
ily errs in imputing this distor- 
ii of Marxism to Lenin and his 
eessors — that it was Frederick 
tfcls who was guilty of doing this, 
I lliat Lenin merely followed the 
unple of Engels in claiming a dis- 
elion between 'Socialism' and 
unirmnism,' etc. The implication 

the Section's criticism further 
ms to be that Lenin (in the pas- 
;e partly quoted in 'Soviet Russia: 
nnise or Menace') had cited au- 
nty for his imputing to Engels 

making of such a distinction, and 

i i 

that by not quoting Lenin in full the 
citation of said authority by Lenin 
had been suppressed,or withheld from 
the reader, and that if the authority 
cited by Lenin had not been 'sup- 
pressed' in the S.L.P. pamphlet 'So- 
viet Russia: Promise or Menace/ the 
'fact' would have been disclosed 
that, as stated, Engels and not Lenin 
was the real 'culprit.' There are sev- 
eral important questions involved 
here which we shall deal with 
seriatim. But before doing so we 
wish to record our understanding that 
Section Wayne County does not dis- 
pute the logic of the Party's conten- 
tion as made in the passage criti- 
cized, or earlier in the report to the 
1936 National Convention of the So- 
cialist Labor Party, which, in effect, 
then would seem to imply that Sec- 
tion Wayne (County visualizes a seri- 
ous difference of opinion between 
Marx and Engels, with the latter 
dissenting from the views expressed 
by Marx in 'The Gotha Program/ 
and holding to the view that 'Social- 
ism' and 'Communism' represent two 
separate future social stages. Having 
noted this point here, we shall dis- 
miss it for the present, though we 
shall return to it later. 

"l. Section Wayne County quotes 
the first part of Lenin's statement as 
reproduced in 'Soviet Russia: Prom- 
ise or Menace/ to wit: 'And here 
we come to that question of the sci- 
entific difference between Socialism 
and Communism . . . . ' and completes 
the quotation — 'upon which Engels 
touched in his discussion cited above 
on the incorrectness of the name So- 
cial Democrat.' [l] The question 
which concerns us here is: Did En- 
gels 'touch upon' any such 'scientific 
difference' ; if so, to what extent, and 
in what connection? Let us turn to 


the passage from Engels quoted by 
Lenin on page 83 of 'State and Rev- 
olution,' British edition published 
October, 1919. We quote it here: 

'For Marx and for me [Engels 
continued], it was, therefore, quite 
impossible to use such an elas- 
tic term to describe our particular 
point of view. At the present 
time things are different, and this 
word ("Social-Democrat") may, 
perhaps, pass muster, although it 
remains inexact (unpassend, liter- 
ally "unsuitable") for a party 
whose economic programme is not 
simply a general Socialist one, but 
definitely Communist — for a par- 
ty whose final political aim is the 
supersession of the whole State 
and, therefore, also of Democ- 
racy. But the names of real (the 
italics are Engels's) political par- 
ties never completely correspond 
with fact: the party develops, the 
name remains.' [2] 

"Does Section Wayne County 
contend that Engels is here 'touching 
upon' any 'scientific difference be- 
tween Socialism and Communism'? 
We search in vain for any such dif- 
ference, scientific or otherwise, 
'touched upon' or otherwise, by Fred- 
erick Engels. If we read the pas- 
sages preceding the above quotation, 
beginning with the chapter-head 
'6. Engels on Supersession of De- 
mocracy,' we find that the subject, 
allegedly, is the 'scientific' incorrect- 
ness of the term 'Social Democrat' — 
surely an entirely different matter ! 
Not once is there any indication that 
Engels was discussing 'Socialism' as 
the social stage allegedly preceding 
'Communism,' nor do we find any- 
thing else which remotely justifies 
Lenin's use of this statement by En- 


gels in support of his un-Marxinii 
contentions with respect to Socialism 
being the lower stage of Communism, 
and so forth. Yet, Section Waym 
County, apparently without que si ion 
uncritically, accepts Lenin's word fill 
it that Engels had discussed thlfl 

question, for we find that Seel 

Wayne County says that 'Lenin p< 
fers to Engels touching upon the (III 
ference between Socialism and Coin 
munism,' while previously the Si I 
tion, through its committee's report 
had opined that the complete reprfl 
duction of Lenin's reference to lh| 
Engels quotation 'wonla alter ottl 
opinion of Lenin as stated in Appi'ii 
dix B.' And the Section makes llii'i 
observation in complete awareni 
of the fact that the author of 'Ajl 
pendix B' had shown with inconli I 
able proof that Marx had never in 
dulged in any such fantastic plaj III 
with terms as imputed to him (an. I 
Engels) by Lenin! In view of bllll 
it is extraordinary, to say the l< i | 
that a Section of the Party should 
blindly follow Lenin in reading ml.. 
a passage by Engels that wlinli 
manifestly is not there ! 

"2. Apparently Engels did crlll 
cize the use of the term Social Dettl 
ocrat, saying that the term was 
pas send,' which does mean 'unsnll 
able,' and not 'inexact.' And wllj 
does Engels feel that that term it 
'unpassend'? Lenin himself gives I III 
answer: Engels, he said, in all lltf 
articles 'used the word "Commune. I . 
not "Social Democrat" [Note mrl 
fully the term here imputed lo Km 
gels, 'Social Democrat,' not 'Social 
ist'jj- because at tlvat time it ishih th{ 
Proudhonists in France and the lm* 
salleans in Germany who c<iit>>l 
themselves Social Democrnts.' 
"This certainly is clear, and nil 

.lerstandable, and in no sense sug- 
< its that Engels is discussing 'the 
teientific difference between Social- 
i mii and Communism,' as falsely 
I I aimed by Lenin and by whoever 
Induced Section Wayne County so to 
|)i lieve. 

"What Engels apparently particu- 
larly objected to was the phrase 'So- 
I id Democracy,' because it connoted 
ii .sort of mongrel conception of sci- 
* ill i fie Socialism, or scientific Com- 
munism, if one prefers the latter. 
Having become enamored of the 
I ili rase 'democratic,' the Lassalleans 
had succeeded in foisting it upon the 
German movement (and its imitators 
everywhere)^ the members of which 
became known as 'Social Democrats' 
rather than Socialists, although the 
I wo phrases were on occasions used 
Interchangeably. Marx sharply criti- 
Oized the use of the word 'democrat- 
ic' as proposed by the Lassalleans at 
Ootha in 1875. The Lassalleans had 
demanded 'the establishment of pro- 
ductive cooperative associations tmth 
slate aid, under the democratic con- 
trol of the working population.' [S] 
['Underscoring in original.) Said 

'For. . .shame's sake the "state 
aid" is placed — under the demo- 
cratic control of the "working 

'First of all, "the working pop- 
ulation" in Germany consists, in 
its majority, of peasants, and not 
of proletarians. 

'Secondly, "democratic" in Ger- 
man means "rule of the people." 
But what is the meaning of 'the 
popular control of the working 
population"?' [4] 

And later Marx comments further: 

'Even vulgar democracy, which 


sees the millennium in the demo- 
cratic republic and has no inkling 
of the fact that the class struggle 
is to be definitely fought out un- 
der this final form of State organ- 
ization of capitalist society — even 
vulgar democracy stands moun- 
tain-high above that kind of de- 
mocracy that keeps within the 
limits of what the police permit 
and logic forbids.' [5] 

"In such scathing terms did Marx 
refer to this Lassallean 'democracy.' 
And Engels, in a letter written to 
Bebel in March, 1875, declares, with 
obvious disgust that of 'the seven po- 
litical demands,' advanced by the 
Lassalleans, 'there is not a single 
one that is not bourgeois democratic' 
And in the same letter Engels, speak- 
ing of concessions made by the Marx- 
ists to the Lassalleans, exclaims: 
'And all this has been done by our 
people to please the Lassalleans. And 
what has the other side conceded? 
That a crowd of rather confused 
purely democratic demands should 
figure in the programme. . . .' (Un- 
derscoring by Engels.) [6] 

"Is it any wonder, then, that En- 
gels disliked the terms 'Social Demo- 
crat' and 'Social Democracy,' and 
that he only accepted them reluc- 
tantly, and until such time as more 
' pas send' (suitable) terms might be 
adopted? But in this expressed dis- 
like of terms which had an unsavory 
odor because of their association with 
the Lassallean reformers and allies 
of Bismarck, there was not one ref- 
erence to, nor thought of, any 'scien- 
tific difference between Socialism and 
Communism,' as falsely claimed by 

"3. But, someone will claim, there 
is that phrase imputed to Engels by 

Lenin, viz.., 'not simply a general So- 
cialist one, but definitely Commu- 
nist. . . .' True, Engels does seem 
to ma'ke a distinction here, though 
one has to be pretty desperate in or- 
der to claim that even this constitutes 
a discussion of a 'scientific difference 
between Socialism and Communism.' 
But how is this phrase related to the 
general context? It is immediately 
related to Engels's criticism of the 
term 'Social-Democrat/ as a reread- 
ing of the passage by Engels will 
reveal. Not having the German text 
before us, we cannot verify the cor- 
rectness of the translation into Eng- 
lish — or rather, the translation froui 
German into Russian into English. 
From the context it is perfectly 
clear, however, that even if this 
translation is correct, Engels had 
reference to the mongrel concept 'So- 
cial Democracy' (with all the petty 
bourgeois implications of that term) 
rather than to scientific Socialism — 
and it must be noted carefully that 
Engels is ^referring to the economic 
programs of parties, and not to fu- 
ture social systems. We are, there- 
fore, fully justified in assuming that 
either the translation is faulty, or 
that Engels expressed himself with 
less care than usual. We would, 
then, further be fully justified in as- 
suming that the passage should have 

' . . . . not simply a general So- 
cial Democratic one, but definitely 
Communist [i.e., Marxian Social- 
ist]— ' 

"In the 1888 preface to 'Commu- 
nist Manifesto,' Frederick Engels in- 
disputably establishes that in using 
the words 'Communist' and 'Social- 
ist' he and Marx did so interchange- 
ably. For the sake of clarity, the 

relevant reference by Engels is rl 
produced here: 

'Yet, when it was written. Wi 
could not have called it a Sochi I < i 
Manifesto. By Socialists, in 1 H I ] 
were understood, on the one hand 
the adherents of the various Uln 
pian systems: Owenites in Km- 
land, Fourierists in France, bnlh 
of them already reduced to till 
position of mere sects, and gradtl 
ally dying out; on the otliel 
hand, the most multifariou 
social quacks, who, by all 
manners of tinkering, pro 
fessed to redress, without an} 
danger to capital and profit, .'ill 
sorts of social grievances; in hnlh 
cases men outside the workin 
class movement and looking ratlii I 
to the "educated" classes for sup 
port. Whatever portion of thl 
working classes had become con 
vinced of the insufficiency of mm 
political revolutions, and had pro 
claimed the necessity of a total 
social change, that portion, then 
called itself Communist. It u 1 
a crude, rough-hewn, purely in 
stinctive sort of Communism; si ill 
it touched the cardinal point and 
was powerful enough among tin 
working class to produce the Uto 
pian Communism, in France ol 
Cabet, and in Germany of Well 
ling. Thus, Socialism was. In 
1847, a middle class movemenl. 
Communism a working class mo\ ■ 
ment. Socialism was, on the Con 
tinent at least, "respectable 
Communism was the very opposite 
And as our notion, from the very 
beginning, was that "the emancl 
pation of the working class mini 
be the act of the working class il 
self," there could be no doubl nn 


to which of the two names we 
must take. Moreover, we have 
ever since been far from repudi- 
ating it.' [7] 

"As the title for his adaptation of 
| larger work, Engels chose 'Social- 
ran from Utopia to Science.' In other 
Words, the word which in 1847 de- 
noted utopianism, had come later to 
n present Marxian science — for what 
• Ise could Engels have meant by the 
lerm 'science of Socialism'? And 

I onceiving Socialism to be science in 
|888 (and 'Socialism' being used by 
I'.ngels deliberately as a substitute 

I I iin for Communism), is there any- 
one bold enough to assert that six 
pears later Engels would speak of 
Socialism' as something unscientific, 
I nd as something to be differenti- 
ited from (Marxian scientific) Com- 

"4. But, it may be argued, if the 
translation is correct, is it conceiv- 
able that Engels could have made 
luch a mistake? Yes, it is conceiv- 
able, although we would hardly call 
il, a mistake, but rather a 'lapsus 
calami' (a slip of the pen). We are 
nil familiar with Engels's famous 
phrase: 'The State is not "abolished" 
— it dies out.' In his brilliant work, 
'The Housing Question,' Engels 
lays: 'They [the Blanquists] did not 
proclaim the "principles" of the 
I'roudhonist plan of social salvation, 
hut rather adopted, and almost liter- 
nlly at that, the views of German [i. 
c, Marxian] scientific Socialism on the 
necessity of the political action of 
I lie proletariat and of the dictator- 
ship as the transitional stage to the 
tiholition of classes and with them of 
the state. ..." (Underscoring ours.) 
The literalist will insist that Engels 
lure contradicts his previously quoted 

statement. For did not Engels say 
that the state is not abolished? And 
does lie not here say that the state 
is abolished? Quoting (in a slightly 
different translation) the following 
part of this statement by Engels, 
viz. — 

"....the necessity of political 
action by the proletariat and of 
the proletarian dictatorship as the 
transition towards the abolition 
of classes and, with them, of the 
state ' — 

"Lenin sarcastically observed: 

'Those addicted to hair-splitting 
criticism, or bourgeois "extermi- 
nators of Marxism," will perhaps 
discern a contradiction between 
this recognition of the "abolition 
of the state" and the repudiation 
of such a formula as anarchistic, 
in the passage from the "Anti- 
Duehring." It would not be sur- 
prising if the opportunists wrote 
down Engels, too, as an "Anarch- 
ist," for the social-chauvinists are 
now more and more adopting the 
fashion of accusing the Interna- 
tionalists of being Anarchists.' 

"And so, this time, in the spirit of 
Lenin, we are quite justified in treat- 
ing Engels's lapse (if the word 'So- 
cialist' instead of 'Social-Democrat' 
is a lapse, and not a mistranslation) 
in the same manner in which Lenin 
treated Engels's 'contradiction' re 
abolishing and yet not abolishing the 
state ! 

"5. It is not necessary to review 
again Lenin's (and the Stalinist ro- 
bots') distortion of Marx on the 
question of lower and higher Com- 
munism (or lower and advanced 

stages of Socialism, which is the same 
thing), since that has been done in 
considerable detail by the S.L.P. al- 
ready. The falsification, it will be re- 
called, consists in imputing to Marx 
a conception of the terms 'Social- 
ism' and 'Communism' denoting two 
different meanings, and as represent- 
ing two different social stages, the 
former representing the first stage 
immediately after the victory of the 
workers and the collapse of capital- 
ism, the latter representing the high- 
er stage. A simple quotation from 
Marx demolishes the contention im- 
mediately. In the 'Gotha Program' 
Marx says: 

'But these shortcomings are un- 
avoidable in the first phase of 
has just issued from capitalist so- 
ciety after long travail.' (Caps 
ours.) [9] 

"Now, Lenin and the Stalinists 
claim that the something which 
emerges immediately out of capital- 
ism is 'Socialism/ which in turn 
eventually is supposed to develop 
into 'Communism.' Yet Marx speaks 
of 'Communism' as emerging out of 
capitalism 'after long travail' ! The 
'from Socialism to Communism' hum- 
bug thus stands exposed as the fraud 
it is. 

"In the light of all this, it seems 
incredible that an S.L.P. Section 
could find it possible to father this' 
fraud on Frederick Engels, second 
only as a master-mind in the science 
of Socialism! Yet, if there is any 
point at all to the criticism of Section 
Wayne County, that is precisely 
what the Section has done. It is be- 
coming rather monotonous to remind 
the Section that in making these 
criticisms and erroneous contentions 

it is causing precious time to be cort" 
sumcd, seemingly without sufficient 
justification. This being the third 
or fourth of such criticisms, etc., all 
within the last year or two, the N.I''. 
C. Sub-Committee is naturally curl 
ous to know how it happens thftj 
these should emanate from Sectiofl 
Wayne County with such seeming 
regularity. Since the whole Section 
collectively certainly does not sin I 
denly spring these criticisms, etcJ 
upon the Party, it would be intcresl 
ing to learn something about thell 
genesis— to find out just how they 
arise and reach the stage of commil 
tee deliberation, and eventual si 1 1 > 
mission to the N.E.C. Sub-Commii 
tee. While it is noted that there wtd 
not unanimity with regard to all tin' 
points brought up, the fact remain! 
that collectively the Section spun 
sored the submission of the criticism 
to the N.EjC. Subcommittee, and ftf 
such we must recognize it. We know 
that the Section as a whole is noi 
only loyal and devoted to the pria 
ciples of the Party, but also thai ii. 
as a whole, is doing good work, and 
carrying on the Party's agitation in 
the Detroit area creditably. Yet, om 
cannot help reflecting on the si ill 
greater, and possibly still belln. 
work that could be accomplished M 
these seemingly endless criticism'*, 
and the detailed replies which I ln\ 
require, might be terminated. 

"By instruction of the N.E.C. Sub 

{Signed) "Arnold Petersen, 
"National Secretary 


[l] Lenin: 'State and Revolution,' I! I 

& British S.L.P. edition, October I'M'", 

pp. 100-101. 
[2] Ibid, p. 83. 
[3] Marx: 'The Gotha Program,' N \ 

Labor News edition 1922, p. 43. 


I 1 1 Ibid., p. 44. 

I -| Ibid., p. 49. 

|'f>| Marx-Engels Correspondence, Inter- 
national Publishers, p. 336. 

i i | Marx and Engels: 'Communist Mani- 
festo,' N.Y. Labor News edition, 1933, 
Preface, pp. 3-4. 

1 8 | Lenin : 'The Paris Commune,' Inter- 
national Publishers edition, 1931, p. 37. 

I'M Marx: 'The Gotha Program,' N.Y. 
Labor News edition, 1922, p. 31." 

As stated, we are still awaiting the 
Section's official reaction, but it is 
Imped that the points brought out in 
I be National Office letter will con- 
vince the Detroit comrades of their 
errors and misconceptions. 

| Practically on the eve of the con- 
I etition a letter was received from 
I he Section in which, in effect, the 
contention is made that the Section 
us such was not submitting a criti- 
eism, but rather a request for infor- 
mation. In view of the evidence be- 
fore us this is difficult to understand, 
but in justice to Section Wayne 
County this note of the Section's dis- 
elaimer is inserted here.] 

Finally, the Section has recently 
submitted a criticism of the constitu- 
tional provisions governing the con- 
duct of the study classes. As this 
matter properly belongs under the 
head of constitutional amendments, 
and will probably be reported on by 
I he committee on constitution, etc., 
no comments will be offered here on 
I hat subject. 

One cannot help reflecting, how- 
ever, on this seemingly endless 
.1 ream of criticism on more or less 
academic and theoretical subjects 
from a city whose size, importance 
'i ii el character would seem to call 
particularly for consideration of 
practical questions. Certainly our 
Detroit comrades should be left with 
little time for much else than such 
practical questions as, for instance, 


how to secure the needed signatures 
to get on the ballot in Michigan, etc. 
Needless to say, the good faith and 
loyalty of our good Detroit comrades 
are not in question. We do believe, 
however, that the soundness of their 
judgment in these respects is very 
much in question. It is earnestly 
hoped that the airing of this situa- 
tion at this convention, with such 
possible corrective action as may be 
conceived proper, and consistent with 
the Party's interests, will put an end 
to these many criticisms, objections, 
and over-much rumination on aca- 
demic or theoretical subjects. Rele- 
vant criticism on important questions 
is not to be discouraged, but the cri- 
ticism must be relevant, it must be 
factual and based at least on correct 
reading and understanding of the 
matter criticized. If every Section 
were to imitate the example of Sec- 
tion Wayne County, the National 
Office would have to close shop — or 
open a Marxian college for the study 
and consideration of such questions ! 

The National and 
International Scene. 

Frequently the life and death 
struggles in Europe and Asia are 
referred to as acts of madness. With 
particular reference to Hitler, the 
acts of Nazi Germany are called the 
results of a madman's dreams, the 
manifestations of a psychopathic 
case, the fruits of an insane and per- 
verted individual, or of a group of 
individuals. Viewed generally — one 
is tempted to say philosophically ! — 
the war is, of course, the result of 
madmen, as are practically all wars. 
But that, of course, explains nothing, 

since the questions must then be 
asked: Why are these men insane, 
and, secondly, why do sane men per- 
mit madmen and psychopaths to 
plunge nations and the world into 
wars that threaten to destroy all 
civilization, and, specifically, to de- 
stroy the very stakes of war them- 
selves ? And we are then back again 
to the fundamental cause: capital- 

Throughout its life-span, the capi- 
talist system has had for partner the 
grim monster, War, partly because 
war itself is an industry, and the 
father of numerous subsidiary indus- 
tries, and partly because a social 
system resting on force must, in the 
final analysis — that is, in a deadlock 
— seek solution through the arbitra- 
ment of arms. However much sen- 
timentalists and pacifists may argue 
against war, under capitalism there 
is no escape from it. Capitalism 
fought its way to supremacy through 
brute force and wars; it consolidated 
its power everywhere through force 
or wars; it has maintained its su- 
premacy through force and wars ; 
and it is now seeking to save itself 
by a war, bloodier and more bitter 
than any previous war, and through 
a sort of "survival of the fittest" 
contest which in consequence is de- 
stroying all the contestants. Con- 
flicts of opposing economic interests 
among capitalist nations, involving 
vital interests basic to the future or 
continued power of the opposing 
countries, can no more be settled 
peacefully, or by reason, than a pu- 
gilistic battle can be staged and set- 
tled by reason, or by taking a vote 
as to who shall be the winner and 
the new champion ! 

Lincoln, deploring the Civil War, 
once observed that after so and so 

many battles have been fought, and 
after so and so many men had bed! 
killed, and so much wealth dt 
stroyed, the contestants will have l<> 
return to where they left off at I In 
outbreak of hostilities, namely, baoll 
to the conference table, discussing 
the ways and means of resumed na 
tional (or international) intercourse 
So long as there are competing capl 
talist groups in different nation, 
however, the seeds of new wars an 
sown at each so-called peace con IV i 
ence, and so decadent and worn on I 
is the capitalist system, so impossil>l< 
is it to make it function in acco? 
dance with its original principles and 
inner purpose, that peace confer 
ences have become mere brief arm is 
tices, brief outbreaks of peace, one 
might say, in a world otherwisr a] 
most incessantly at war. From I In 
premise of capitalism this is logical , 
from any other premise it is insanltj) 
and social suicide. Surely, that new 
social order, which eventually will 
and must emerge, may be said \<< 
have been born in bitter travail and 
anguish, in blood and tears, howev( | 
peaceful may be the final transition, 
And countless thousands, who in a 
sane world would and could haVI 
rounded out their lives in peace ami 
happiness, must yet suffer violent 
deaths in agony and horror, pat lid i 
cally certifying through their death! 
to the pitiful futility and the cruel 
monstrousness of a ruling class a I 
tempting to resuscitate and prolong 
a social system which in all respeel 
except the final spasms is as dead 
and outworn and useless as is I In 
feudal system. 

One of the capitalist comment! 
tors, who sees things more clearlj 
than the rest of his tribe, reccnili 
compared the present period v\ii!i 

the last days of the feudal era. Cit- 
ing the fact that the National Asso- 
ciation of Manufacturers has "sum- 
moned its members as warriors," as 
lir puts it, "to save the system of 
(Yee enterprise" (meaning the capi- 
talist robber system), he points out 
I hat the ruling class beneficiaries and 
supporters of feudalism likewise 
summoned the members of their class 
as warriors to save what they prob- 
ably would have called the system of 
free and untrammeled sweating and 
dreeing of the serfs and peasants — 
had they found it necessary to resort 
fo the hypocrisy and pretense of the 
bourgeoisie ! He points out that the 
idd feudal ruling class blamed every- 
lliing for their troubles except the 
fact that feudalism was worn out 
and was being wrecked on the eco- 
nomic rock of the new social order, 
capitalism. Our commentator points 
out that the upholders of capitalism 
"will blame the government, the 
Bolsheviki, the New Dealers and all 
sorts of things," but that "they will 
never blame the real culprit." And 
lie adds: "The culprit that is de- 
stroying free enterprise [capitalism] 
is business itself." Precisely so. 
The thing that is destroying capi- 
talism is capitalism itself — that is, 
functional capitalism. For the shell, 
the monstrously degraded spirit and 
form of capitalism, will persist until 
linally destroyed by the working 
class. Our commentator concludes 
his Jeremiad by saying: "All this 
has proceeded until the whole capi- 
talist system has gotten itself tied 
into knots so that now it cannot 

And so the death struggle goes on, 
a struggle in which are destroyed 
millions of useful lives, untold 
wealth, and precious heirlooms 


handed down from the past. And in 
that struggle is also being fast de- 
stroyed among millions upon millions 
the hope that, in this generation or 
the next, social relations may be- 
come other than the jungle tooth and 
claw struggle for a miserable exist- 
ence. For as the million-mass of vic- 
tims of the war contemplate the 
ghastly scene, and reflect upon the 
prospects or possible outcome, they 
must ask themselves: What earthly 
difference can it possibly make to us 
as exploited workers who wins this 
war? If Nazi Germany wins, will 
wage slavery be more or less pala- 
table than it is now? Will it not 
be essentially the same round of 
toiling and moiling at a bare subsis- 
tence income that it was before the 
war? And if the Allied imperialists 
win the war, what will then be our 
reward? The best we can hope for 
under Allied wage slavery, as under 
Nazi slavery, is a bare subsistence 
wage in endless toil, even in the un- 
likely event that we secure and re- 
tain employment. 

The answer, the honest answer, 
must be, of course, that for all their 
sacrifices, for all the blood they will 
have to shed, for all the agonies 
they will have suffered, the best the 
workers (who are the vast major- 
ity) can hope for is the restoration 
of the identical system of exploita- 
tion, of wage slavery, which pro- 
duced — which had to produce — the 
very factors and circumstances 
which inescapably led to the war, 
and which, in the same premises, in- 
evitably must lead to new wars, 
again and again, until life is reduced 
to a bare animal existence for all but 
a few, with not even hope left to 
sustain a wretched existence. 

Viewing the situation soberly, 

what would happen, for instance, if 
the war were to end tomorrow? 
There would be almost instantaneous 
universal collapse. Millions upon 
millions of workers, now engaged in 
armament industries, or in industries 
with a productivity intensified solely 
because of the war, would suddenly 
find their occupation gone. Given 
capitalism — good, old "free enter- 
prise" ! — there would no longer be 
any need of their services. The num- 
ber of the unemployed would sud- 
denly be multiplied several times in 
all countries. Indeed, some coun- 
tries that may have little or no un- 
employed today because of the war 
industries, would suddenly find them- 
selves with millions of idle workers, 
no industrial equipment with which 
to supply jobs to the hungry mil- 
lions, and no markets in which to dis- 
pose of the products even if the in- 
dustrial equipment were available. 
As one plutocratic commentator cor- 
rectly observes: "...the millions of 
men now under arms and at work in 
the armament industries cannot hope 
to return to their ordinary trades 
and occupations. For the jobs from 
which they have been mobilized no 
longer exist, and civilian jobs cannot 
now be restored until there has been 
restored security against war and 
confidence in the continuation of 
peace" — a security, as we have seen, 
which can no more be guaranteed un- 
der capitalism than security against 
yellow fever can be secured so long 
as the fever-breeding swamps are 
left undisturbed. 

Thus this super-industry called 
modern war has produced an im- 
passe: The million masses can only 
be kept employed if the war con- 
tinues, and if the war continues be- 
yond, a year or two at the present 


rate, capitalism and such civilization 
as we have will be completely de- 
stroyed, barring intercession of con 
structive working class revolution 
Conversely, if the war ends before 
this destruction is encompassed, ceo 
nomic collapse confronts the capita] 
ist class, while starvation and n 
sultant diseases and deaths will M 
visited upon countless millions d 
workers — again barring intercession 
of constructive working class revo 
lution. Economic ruin to the cap! 
talist class, and horrible death on 
the battlefield, or in the air or on 
the seas, to the workers if the war 
continues. Economic ruin to tin 
capitalist class, and death by starvn 
tion to the workers on the industrial 
battlefields, if the war ends. Bar 
ring Socialism, these are the prO| 
pects offered mankind by an insane 
social order finding itself hopeless I \ 

To escape the consequences ol 
capitalist political and economic 
bankruptcy, the capitalist class re 
sorts to war. The war intensifUl 
the causes, and multiplies the fai 
tors, that produce political and ceo 
nomic bankruptcy. It is an endli v. 
vicious circle, which can only 
be broken by a working clash 
organized on revolutionary prill 
eiples along Marxist-iDe Leofl 
ist lines. And seeing what ma] 
vels of technological feats .1 1 
wrought by the workers in a desl rin 
tive cause, what miracles may no1 ■ 
looked for when technology is at lafj 
turned to wholly socially const no 
tive ends? As Marx so sagely 01 
served: Nowhere is the theory thfl 
the organization of labor is detdl 
mined by the means of production 
more brilliantly confirmed than ■ 
the human slaughter industry. I 

the ghastly business of war there 
lies embedded at least that germ of 
i ^instructive thought. 

Given capitalism, then, war is in- 
iv it able, and the point must be made 
Again and again until the truth of it 
lias become part of the normal think- 
ing of the million masses of workers. 
Hut, though inevitable from capital- 
ly premises, we also know that the 
war need not have happened, and 
probably would not have happened, 
when or as it did, except for one 
loathsome fact: The monstrous crime 
i ommitted by the Stalinists when 
they concluded the pact with Nazi 
Germany. As Marxists, with con- 
fidence in the power of the working 
■ lass eventually to throw off the 
shackles of wage slavery, we cer- 
tainly had reason to hope that if the 
War had been postponed another 
pear or so, the workers in the vari- 
ous capitalist countries might mean- 
while organize to put an end to the 
cause of modern wars (capitalism), 
and thereby render impossible all 
wars in the future. If a jungle 
beast kills a human being, we do not 
1 1 reach sermons to the beast nor de- 
nounce it as a murderer. It acted 
in accordance with its true nature. 
Hut if a human being kills another, 
Consciously' and with or without 
malice prepense, we do denounce the 
slayer as a murderer, and hold him 
responsible before the bar of justice. 
Hut for the fact of Stalinist Russia 
entering into an alliance with the 
Nazi beast, the war most probably 
would not have broken out last Sep- 
tember, and thousands upon thou- 
sands of useful workers, now rotting 
In dozens of battlefields and among 
charred ruins of populous centers, 
would still be alive, and (what is 
even more important) the opportu- 

nity would still be present to avoid 
the horror of war, and its disastrous 
consequences, by the workers getting 
together to destroy the cause of war, 

In the light of all this, we are 
fully justified in placing the respon- 
sibility for the war on the lying and 
swindling Stalin, and the murderous, 
hypocritical gang surrounding him. 
They are murderers in a very real 
sense — murderers of working men, 
of working women and their chil- 
dren, murderers of their hopes and 
their fondest aspirations, murderers 
of the present possibilities that ex- 
isted for turning this capitalist in- 
ferno into a Socialist Eden. And 
from that first crime, the Soviet- 
Nazi pact, the father crime, there 
has issued a brood of fearful crimes 
which forever will place the stamp 
of traitors and assassins on the Stal- 
inists, and which forever will yoke 
Stalin with that foulest of modern 
monsters, the Beast of Berlin and 
Berchtesgaden. Dr. Karl J. Burck- 
hardt, League of Nations High Com- 
missioner, reports an interview he 
had with Hitler on August 11 last, 
and he tells us that at the end of the 
interview he accepted assurances 
from Hitler that the latter could, 
and presumably would, wait for a 
"reasonable solution" of the Danzig- 
Polish corridor problem. And Dr. 
Burckhardt concludes his report, 
saying that the opinion was held 
that "during the decisive fortnight 
which followed, those in the higher 
circles of the National Socialist 
['Nazi] regime lived in the convic- 
tion that, in view of the arrangement 
with the U.S.S.R. and after a rapid 
victory over Poland, the Western 
powers would not go so far as a gen- 
eral armed conflict. Such [adds Dr. 


Burckhardt] was the opinion of Al- 
bert Foerster (Nazi district leader 
of Danzig)." 

In other words, had it not been 
for Hitler's confidence of allied ac- 
quiescence — a confidence inspired by 
assurances of Stalin's support, the 
Nazi Beast would not have dared to 
unleash the dogs of war. Thus, 
through the criminal treachery and 
corrupt double-dealing of the Stalin- 
ists, the two imperialist camps in 
Europe were tricked into war at the 
particular time it broke out, when 
both sides would at least have post- 
poned so doing, with what definite 
development no one can know for 
certain, except that a breathing spell 
would have been gained, with pos- 
sibilities that no Marxist needs apol- 
ogize for visualizing and hoping for. 

As a result of the crime of Stalin- 
ism the slaughter commenced, the 
Western capitalist powers realizing 
that they had to strike, or go down 
altogether, with the further conse- 
quence that neutral countries became 
potential battlefields, even as Stalin- 
ist Russia, by virtue of the pact, be- 
came a potential enemy at war with 
Great Britain and France, which 
possibility further led to the de- 
mands served on Finland by the 
Stalinist bandits, with the ghastly 
crime of the Finnish invasion by 
Stalinism — a crime now duplicated 
by the Nazi murderers in their in- 
vasion of powerless, helpless and 
therefore peaceful Scandinavian 

Yet, as we have shown by facts 
repeatedly, less than a year ago the 
Stalinists denounced the Nazi ban- 
dits as aggressors, and as enemies 
of peace, while hailing Great Britain 
and France as the peace-loving na- 
tions. A year ago the phrases "war- 

mongers" and "incendiaries of war" 
in the mouths of the Stalinists had 
but one well understood meaning and 
application: These phrases were thru 
without equivocation applied to 1.1 ir 
Nazis. Now the identical phrased 
without anything having changed el 
cept Stalin's unprincipled change M 
front (a change having no relation 
to, nor justification in, Marx 
ism) are applied to Great Brit 
ain and France, and as if theM 
had always been so denounced 
by the Stalinists! On the First of 
May [1939], the Communist, or 
Third, International denounced eel 
tain imperialist elements within the 
Western capitalist countries for car 
rying on "the treacherous policy" of 
seeking "agreement with the fascia 
aggressors." Stalinism beat the im 
perialist elements in the race to pick 
the fruits of such a "treacheronj 
policy" by effecting just such n 
criminal "agreement with the fascist 
aggressors." And each and every 
crime which the Western capita! kit 
powers were accused of plotting 
(and probably did plot) was actual 
ly committed by the Stalinist crim] 
nal plotters themselves. By thcll 
hectic condemnation of the vei 
things they themselves subsequently 
were guilty of, the Stalinists stand 
doubly condemned as criminal trnl« 
tors and murderous allies of the modtj 
corrupt and loathsome enemy m 
Marxism and the working class l>> 
day. From every viewpoint the Slid' 
inists have earned the contempt ami 
hatred of everything that is deeeiil 
and honorable, of everything thai | 
truly progressive and worthy 1 1 n • 
support of honest and honorable mi 11 
and women. 

Many examples have been given il| 
the Stalinist treason and doiililf 


'haling. Scores more can be fur- 
nished, each testifying to the utter 
iinscrupulousness, the base treason, 
the unprincipled opportunism and 
the revolting hypocrisy and duplicity 
of the Stalinists. Once more it must 
be reiterated that Joseph Stalin and 
the gangsters surrounding him are 
the bitterest foes of the workers of 
the world,' the arch enemies of man- 
kind and of the hopes of mankind. 
They are even below the Nazi ban- 
dits, and therefore deserving greater 
condemnation than the Nazis, for 
(he same reason that the murderer is 
deserving of greater condemnation 

than the man-killing jungle beast. 

If for a moment we turn to the 
fascist countries we must ask our- 
selves: In view of the powerful 
working class organizations in these 
countries, in view of the millions of 
votes supposedly cast for Marxism, 
why are the brutal dictators able to 
ilo what they are doing? Where are 
the millions of Social Democratic vot- 
ers, where are the millions of Com- 
munist voters, in Germany today? 
Where are these same millions of 
voters in all the other countries? 
The answer must be: They are where 
the Social Democratic and Commu- 
nist reformers, swindlers and vision- 
aries trained them to be. They are 
in the camp of the enemy, fighting 
for capitalist-imperialist principles, 
destroying the things they were sup- 
posed to have built. If. there are ex- 
ceptions (and "there must be) their 
numbers are so small that they can- 
not even feebly articulate. The vast 
hulk of these "proud" armies of "So- 
cialism" are where the Socialist La- 
hor Party decades ago said they 
would inevitably land if the warning 
nf the Socialist Labor Party were 

not heeded, and if the principles and 
program presented by the S.L.P. 
were persistently ignored and disre- 
garded by the so-called Marxist 
leaders. For he who urges revolu- 
tion, or posits a revolutionary Marx- 
ist program, and thereupon builds a 
reform movement to the accompani- 
ment of capitalist economics, and 
bourgeois reform politics, inescapa- 
bly builds for the reaction. 

Capitalist economics, and capital- 
ist reform politics, by whomsoever 
advanced, and under whatever name, 
fatedly lead to the strengthening of 
the State, and therefore to the con- 
solidating of that ever smaller, but 
ever more powerful group, the plu- 
tocratic imperialists, which eventual- 
ly become identified completely with 
the capitalist State as the "ideal 
capitalist." The fires of revolution, 
kindled in the hearts and minds of 
the workers, become the flames con- 
suming the revolutionary hopes of 
the proletariat, these flames now 
feeding on the disillusionment, the 
wrecked hopes, and on that utter 
sense of futility which seize the 
workers when they discover that the 
reforms they hailed as the gold of 
economic freedom turn out to be the 
base alloy of intensified economic 
slavery. Disillusionment of a revo- 
lutionary class supplies the soil in 
which grow despotism and dictators. 
History is eloquent upon the point. 
Yet, despite the lessons of the past 
and present, the fatuous reformers, 
under the same fraudulent designa- 
tion of "Socialism" and "Marxism," 
are here in the United States pursu- 
ing the same tactics, straining for 
the same ends, which so fatedly led 
to disaster and ruin to the working: 
class movements in Europe, and 
which have resulted in the estab- 


lishment of the most brutal dictator- 
ships in history, and in the most 
horrible of all wars of all times. De- 
spite these lessons, despite the warn- 
ings of the Socialist Labor Party, 
despite the fact that our forecasts 
have been so horribly realized, these 
reformers and misleaders of the 
workers continue to sneer at the S.L. 
P. as if their fatuous hopes in the 
German Social Democracy, their 
blind faith in Stalinist Russia, their 
naive expectations of Scandinavian 
■cooperatives, etc., had been justified 
and confirmed, instead of having 
been utterly blasted and destroyed 

by the inexorable logic of events. 

With one country after another be- 
ing drawn into the maelstrom of war, 
the United States is drifting closer 
and closer to it. The trend has be- 
come particularly marked since the 
Nazi invasion of Denmark and Nor- 
way. President Roosevelt has re- 
peatedly made clear that this coun- 
try's fate is tied to that of the West- 
ern imperialist allies, and his famous 
Chicago speech in October, 1937 
(then so jubilantly hailed by the 
Stalinists), was but the first in the 
series of steps since taken, which 
now apparently have led him to the 
brink of war. A year ago he openly 
warned the Nazis that if they started 
a war they would "from the outset 
involve the destinies of a nation [the 
'United States] which .... is poten- 
tially far stronger than Germany and 
Italy united." At a White House 
press conference a year ago, Mr. 
Roosevelt is reported to have agreed 
that if war broke out between Ger- 
many and the Western powers 
(Great Britain and France) the en- 
try into the war by the United States 
would be a "virtual certainty." 

In his recent address to the Pan- 
American Union, Mr. Roosevell 
again made it abundantly clear that 
he regarded America's entry into tin- 
war as a "virtual certainty." Re- 
ferring to the nations of the three 
Americas, he warned the Nazi-Fas- 
cist powers that "whoever touches 
anyone of us touches all of us." And 
threatening to meet "force will) 
force," and protesting that "all oi 
this is not of mere academic inter 
est" (war is, indeed, no matter of 
academic interest!), he summed up: 
"I pray God that we shall not have 
to do more than that [i.e., the plans 
worked out at Panama] : but should 
it be necesmry f I ami convinced that 
we should be wholly successful." 

These are ominous words. And 
why is Mr. Roosevelt so pointed ami 
deliberate in his repeated suggc.s 
tions that the United States ma] 
join the slaughter? There seem In 
be two valid reasons: The Nazi con 
quest of Scandinavia has closed (<» 
American capitalists an export mar- 
ket registering at a figure of up 
proximately $200,000,000 in 1989j 
and fast increasing in volume. Alst 
there are at stake imports of nearl 
$90,000,000. Secondly, the conqn.-.l 
of Norway renders Great Brilain 
particularly vulnerable to Nazi an 
attacks, apart from the shutting ol 
of foodstuffs heretofore exported In 
Denmark and Norway to Grctl 
Britain. If the Nazi bandits n lam 
their hold on Norway, the chances id 
Allied victory, without the activl 
participation of the United Stati 
have become measurably reduced 
And American capitalism want! 
Franco-British imperialism to wlfl 
the war. And so does Mr. Rooil 
velt. Thus the prospects of I In 
United States remaining neutrali 

and nominally, at least, at peace, are 
rapidly vanishing. And if words 
mid gestures mean anything, the 
1 dunging of the United States into 
the bloody, criminally senseless con- 
flict seems to be but a matter of a 
short time. Once again the youth of 
America will be expected to defend 
capitalist trade interests, here or 
ahroad, and fight the battles of West- 
ern imperialist capitalism. Once 
again they will be exhorted to 
•.laughter and to be slaughtered, in 
order that the system of the du 
Pouts, Morgan, Ford, Rockefellers 
and the rest of the financial and in- 
dustrial kings and barons may be 
made safe for them and their class 
interests, and their "heirs and as- 
signs forevermore," as the legal 
plirase runs. Once more they will 
In- instructed to shoulder arms in 
defense of the capitalist robber sys- 
lein — to lay down their lives for 
dear, old "free enterprise"! 

If there be Americans who have 
misunderstood the intent and pur- 
port of Mr. Roosevelt's address to 
I he Pan-American Union, neither the 
Nazi bandits nor their Western im- 
perialist foes have done so. The 
Nazis, in characteristic gangster 
lashion, have told Mr. Roosevelt to 
mind his own "verdammter" busi- 
ness, reminding him that the skirts 
id' American capitalism are none too 
• lean either. There was that little 
Panama affair under the first Roose- 
velt, who boasted of his brazen vio- 
lation of the sovereignty of another 
American republic. And there were 
lliose little trips to Nicaragua not so 
many years ago by the United 
Slates marines. And so forth. All of 
winch obviously lends no legal or 
moral sanction to Nazi banditry. On 
I lie other hand, the Allied powers 

hail Mr. Roosevelt's speech as "real- 
istic," and a "fiercely contemptuous 
denunciation of Nazi policy and 
principles." Let us have no illusions 
on the score of American capitalist 
neutrality. There is neutrality and 
neutrality: There is one definition to 
the effect that a neutral is a small 
country too weak to defend itself. 
And there is the neutrality which 
Woodrow Wilson had in mind when, 
before plunging the United States 
into the first World War, he said 
that "the United States must be neu- 
tral in fact as well as in name." The 
latter is the kind of neutrality Amer- 
ican capitalism is observing now: "in 
fact" and "in name." The "fact" 
is that our economic interests at 
present are tied up with traditional 
international capitalist interests as 
represented by British imperialism; 
the "name" is pro-Allied "neutral- 
ity" ! 

While a year ago our own Stalin- 
ist robots were all set to join the 
bandwagon of this pro-Allied "neu- 
trality," the treacherous and villain- 
ous change of front by Stalinist Rus- 
sia has completely upset the plans 
and programs of the petty American 
Machiavellians. Less than a year 
ago, one of the Charlie McCarthies, 
one Bittelman, told the Russians that 
Stalin's little errand boy, Browder, 
had "projected a line of guidance 
for the solution of a special question 
which was becoming mature." And 
what was this "special question" to 
which Browder had given this pro- 
found Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist a- 
nalysis? Here it is — or, rather, 
there it was: "....the outcome of 
the 1940 elections will mark a cru- 
cial stage in the life of the nation 
which will affect decisively the 



course of world events. ["Decisive- 
ly/' no less!] Very much is at stake 
in the coming battle. It is whether 
the United States shall continue on 
the road- of democracy and progress, 
collaborating with, the democratic 
forces of other countries to resist 
and check the advance of fascism, or 
•whether this country shall become 
the plaything of the pro-fascist mo- 
nopolies, capitulating to and conniv- 
ing with the fascist aggressors 
abroad?" (World News and Views, 
May 20, 1939.) 

One short year ago ! And how to 
put this "line" into practical effect? 
The same Stalinist spokesman tells 
us: "The presidential candidate, 
able to unite the democratic major- 
ity of the American people for vic- 
tory over reaction in 1940, will have 
to be one who meets the approval of 
such progressive spokesmen as Pres- 
ident Roosevelt, Mayor La Guardia 
and John L. Lewis, and the progres- 
sive forces in the American Federa- 
tion of Labor. Subsequent events 
[adds Bittelman] have again demon- 
strated that this is the road to vic- 
tory over reaction " 

But, alas, subsequent-"subsequent 
events" have now demonstrated that 
all this profound "Marxist-Leninist- 
Stalinist analysis" was pure tripe! 
For the road outlined less than a 
year ago as the road to victory over 
fascism is now discovered to be the 
road that leads to the victory of the 
warmongering elements, who fur- 
ther are now identified as the impe- 
rialists of Great Britain, etc. ! And 
Nazi Germany has now become the 
great promoter and apostle of 

Thus the poor Stalinist nitwits 
are left out on a limb, with the dire 
prospect of their Presidential candi- 

date having to conduct his campaign] 
from a filthy capitalist jail! If thill 
happens, there is at least the conl 
solation that Browder will have a! 
his elbow, so to speak, that able lieu- 
tenant of Joe Stalin's pal Hitler, 
none other than the most honorable! 
Fritz Kuhn! Fritz and "Oily," di- 
recting the destinies of the worl<fl 
from a capitalist hoosegow, alonj 
the latest line laid down by Joe am 
Adolf — truly, that were a sight fo] 
the gods ! 

There is, as we now know, no dif- 
ference whatever in the policies and 
language of the Stalinists and tha 
Nazis. They condemn the same 
things, they praise the same things, 
and they do so in language that il 
so alike that except for the source 
being given one could not tell ; f it 
came from Moscow or Berlin. The 
Nazi bandits applaud the invasion 
of Finland by the Stalinists, and jus- 
tify it in their corrupt fashion; and 
the Stalinist gangsters applaud tlifl 
invasion of Denmark and Norway 
by the Nazis, justifying it in tW\t 
equally corrupt fashion. The Nazi 
press told us not long ago that tlia 
Stalinist invasion of Finland waj 
provoked by British imperialism 
which allegedly was egging on tlifl 
Finns. The Moscow paper, Izves- 
tia, under a date-line of April 11 J 
argued that "Germany had beca] 
forced to act in self-defense"! 

As usual, the Stalinist robots ar| 
unable to keep up with the faxl 
changing zig-zag line of Joe Stalin, 
Thus, on the very day that NorwaJ 
declared war against Germany, till 
corrupt Diaily Worker carried I In' 
following screaming front-pnfll 
headlines : 


"Norway Enraged at Invasion of 
1 [er Waters by Allied Fleet; 
Charges Plot to Spread the War." 

That was the day the Nazis took 
over Oslo, with Great Britain pledg- 
ing and rushing support to Norway! 

And these political swindlers and 
partners of the criminal Nazis dare 
to speak in behalf of the American 
working class! With their record 
nl unscrupulous opportunism, treach- 
I iv and base betrayal of all that 
is sacred to the cause of Marxism, 
I Ik; fakers have the effrontery to 
pose as models of honesty, straight- 
lot- wardness, intellectual integrity 
/i ud moral rectitude! It seems un- 
lirlievable, for instance, that that 
faithful gramaphone record of Stal- 
in, the effervescent and ever fulmi- 
nating Georgi Dimitroff, could have 
Uttered these words: 

"Treachery in policy has usually 
begun with revisionism in theory. 
Such was the case with the oppor- 
lunists of the Second International. 
Such was the case with the Men- 
iheviks. Such was the case with the 
Trotskyites, the Bukharinites the 
/inovievites and the other enemies of 
Hie Party and of the working class." 

It seems incredible that these 
Nvvindlers could have the brass to ut- 
■r such pious sentiments, but there 
liny are, as recorded in World News 
and Views of January 20, 1940! 

Parallel with the constant devel- 
opment of the Stalinists as liars and 
mv millers, and as Anti-Marxists, 
runs their development as clowns 
inn! simple-minded nitwits who, in 
llirir fantastic make-believe roles, 
ilisrover a Marxian dialectic even in 
ii sneeze by St. Joe Stalin. Thus, 
lor example, it is reported that one 
I'roskuriakov, in a report submitted 

to the Communist Academy at Mos- 
cow, hailed Beethoven as a mobilizer 
and an arms-manufacturer to the 
Stalinists ! This passage is vouched 
for as being genuine and authentic: 

"One could hardly say that the 
musical concepts of Beethoven, of 
this Titan of bourgeois art in the 
ascending period of capitalism, have 
been hailed by our workers, our Kol- 
khoz peasants and our soldiers as an 
aid in our work of construction. We 
would exaggerate somewhat, com- 
rades, if we maintained this. But 
after listening to any of his sonatas, 
the Kolkhoz peasant will guide his 
tractor with more conscious enthu- 
siasm, the soldier will pursue with 
greater zeal his study of military 
theory, which will play a great role 
in future struggles. Beethoven mo- 
bilizes, Beethoven furnishes wea- 
pons, Beethoven represents an ac- 
companiment to the incomparable 
melodies which we find in the books 
of Marx, of Engels, of Lenin, of 

Not satisfied with annexing Bee- 
thoven, the Stalinist wizards reach 
into the field of ornithology and 
snatch from out of the blue vault of 
heaven the bird about which Shelley 
rhapsodized so lyrically, the blithe 
lark, and claims it as the exclusive 
possession of Stalinism. Thus: 

"The lark is exclusively a Soviet 
bird. The lark does not like the 
other countries, and lets its harmo- 
nious song be heard only over the 
fields made fertile by the collective 
labor of the citizens of the happy 
land of the Soviets." 

And turning now to Shakespeare 
(who, according to Nazi opinion, is 
about to lose his British citizenship 
and become a Nazi national poet), 
we find that here, too, the Stalinists 


alone have a true appreciation of his 
genius. "Hamlet/' says a literary 
Stalinist journal, "could be a riddle 
for the bourgeoisie, but we have 
solved this riddle easily and com- 
pletely" ! No doubt by a profound 
Leninist-Stalinist-Browder analysis ! 
And when one of the principal actors 
of the Dramatic Theater was asked 
about Shakespeare, this worthy 
cheerfully observed that "he is just 
learning German, so that he may 
soon be able to read Shakespeare in 
the original." What miracles that 
Soviet-Nazi pact has wrought! And 
we find the Nazi bandits proceeding 
in the precise manner and spirit, as 
for instance when Dr. Robert Ley 
of the Labor Front (he who recently, 
in the holy name of Hitler, called 
upon the world's workers to unite!) 
explained that war is really peace, 
and the shedding of blood a great 

"War," said the incredible Dr. 
Ley (and it might be a Stalinist 
apologist speaking), "is not in con- 
trast to peace, but simply another 
form of expression of the uninter- 
rupted battle of nations and 
men...."!! (That is a comforting 
thought, and makes everything so 
clear and convincing!) And repeat- 
ing the old formulas about peace 
drying up the manhood of nations, 
and about war being the regenerator, 
the Labor Front cuckoo (who is 
safely ensconced in the rear, far 
from the battlefield) concludes his 
uplifting remarks as follows: 

"Therefore war is not the wrath 
of God, but a blessing of God." 

Probably no one close enough to 
his ear has asked this swivel-chair 
hero to put this affirmation to the 
personal test ! 

Thus, as fit accompaniments to « 
criminally insane war, we find thelfl 

criminal clowns and murderous 

rons chanting the praise of I In 
scourge of man, and of the corrupt' | 
and destroyer of men's moral and Ifl 
tellectual integrity. If these ficndl 
are right, then nature made a In- 
rible blunder in letting the dlnfl 
saurian monsters perish. And if tin- 
Stalinists and the Nazis conl.inm 
much longer along their present 
"cultural" and "educational" lim w. 
we may soon witness the return ol 
the Mesozoic reptiles — all body, ugll 
and huge, with brains (if any) Ihr 

size of peas ! 


Turning for a moment to tlwil 
other fake outfit, the "Socialist pal 
ty," we find that in no essential n 
spect does it differ from the Stalin 
ist gang. Less Machiavellian, pet 
haps, but in the main as unscrupu 
lous and unprincipled; less bra/.en, 
perhaps, but the polish cannot hidl 
the bogus character of the outfll 
While accepting the label "Man 
ist," when bestowed on him, Norman 
Thomas is, of course, no more of n 
Marxist than is President Roosevell 
Sentimentally opposed to war, he ai 
claims every principle which logical 
ly would lead to war. While a few 
years ago Thomas, in a sudden 
spasm of Stalinism, decried reforms, 
insisting on Socialism or nothing, li< 
now plans to travel with a compleh* 
sample case of reforms when he bi 
gins his Presidential tour ! Toleranen 
is the keynote — tolerance, of what| 
Socialism, we are told, is PuMn 
'Ownership — or, as the new twist li i« 
it. Public Enterprise! "Public !'.u 
terprise" is apparently intended as ft 
negation of, and substitute for, Mil 
phrase, "private enterprise," but onf 

noon discovers that it is the same 
phony jewel in the head of the "ugly 
'ind venomous" toad of capitalism. 
Tli is is the lucid official definition 
lln' S. P. politicians give us of 
"public enterprise," i.e., the S.P. 
•inception of Socialism: 

"Public ownership and operation 
of a business docs not mean that it 
lias to be completely centralized. It 
can be very much decentralized and 
1 1 is even desirable that a substan- 
klal amount of competition be main- 
la i ned among the various decentral- 
ized units of any industry organized 
by public enterprise." 

Hokum and humbug multiplied a 
thousand times! Shades of Marx, 
I'ngels and De Leon! As the former 
right wing faction in the S.P. (the 
Oncal-Lee faction which seceded or 
was kicked out of the S.P. a few 
years ago) — as the organ of that 
taction said recently: "The party 
i Lit was once honored by thinkers 
| ! | like Debs, Hillquit, Berger, 
London, Hanford and Mailly is 
dead." True, the S.P. is deader nor 
Caesar, but what may then be said 
pf the even more putrid matter that 
ii few years ago was eliminated — the 
(>ncal-Lee excrescence? 

The defeat of Hoan, of Milwau- 
kee, both puts a period after an era 
<>l S.P. corruption,, compromise and 
fusion, as well as advertises the 
li/mkruptcy of S.P.ism, so-called 
left-wing and right-wing alike. The 
"Milwaukee victory" of 1910 was 
heralded far and wide. Let the "Mil- 
waukee defeat" be likewise heralded. 
In 1910 the "victory" was symbol- 
!/.rd by a sun that looked as much 
1 1 lie a setting as a rising sun. Let 
that same sun be now used to illus- 
trate the defeat and bankruptcy of 

S.P.ism, only this time no one need 
doubt that it actually represents def- 
initely a setting sun ! 

It is most instructive to read the 
comments of the capitalist press on 
Hoan's defeat. (His defeat, inciden- 
tally, may in a special sense be re- 
garded as a victory for Socialism, 
just as the election of Mayor Seidel 
thirty years ago was properly noted 
as a victory of capitalist principles 
and tactics.) The Pittsburgh Press, 
a typical capitalist paper, bemoans 
the defeat of Hoan, saying that 
"Milwaukee has voted out of office 
one of the greatest mayors. . . .this 
country has ever had." This capi- 
talist sheet observes that "Maybe the 
people just got tired of Dan Hoan 
and his good government.. . ." Well, 
it is just possible that the workers 
of Milwaukee woke up to the fact 
that Hoan's government was indis- 
tinguishable from any previous capi- 
talist government, and, since noth- 
ing had changed to affect, for the 
better, the wage slave status of the 
workers in Milwaukee, why not kick 
out the bloke, and see what this 
young barytone candidate can do? 
Perhaps the workers of Milwaukee 
said to Mr. Hoan: We don't like 
j^our voice anyhow. If we are going 
to be miserable, why not have a 
song and dance mayor? 

The grief-stricken capitalist pa- 
per rhapsodizes about the cheap and 
efficient government that Hoan gave 
Milwaukee, saving the city (i.e., the 
capitalist taxpayers of Milwaukee) 
millions which formerly went into 
the pockets of old-line grafting pol- 
iticians. And noting this with the 
natural joy of a capitalist spokes- 
man, the paper said: 

"If that be socialism, we could 



use a lot of it. But Milwaukee is 
no more socialistic than other Amer- 
ican cities; Socialist Ho an has ap- 
plied, not Marxism, but honesty and 
skill and vision." 

As to honesty, we do not doubt the 
mayor's personal honesty; as to 
"skill and vision," we make our re- 
servations; but as to Hoan not ap- 
plying Marxism, we answer full- 
throatedly: AYE! 

As for the rest, we say that 
Hoan's Milwaukee capitalist admin- 
istration certainly is not Socialism, 
any more than is that of Bridgeport, 
Connecticut ; Reading, Pennsylvania, 
etc. On the contrary, the so-called 
Socialist administrations in these 
cities constitute overtures to fascism. 
S. P. -controlled cities were ever the 
hatcheries of the blackest reaction. 
Milwaukee will soon find out. 

But as a symbol of S.P. "Social- 
ism," Milwaukee has been, and will 
remain, a godsend to the Marxist. 
Milwaukee proves to the workers 
more convincingly the anti-Socialist 
character of the S.P. than the Marx- 
ian S.L.P. could hope to do with our 
present limited facilities ! 

The mention of Debs reminds one 
that in all essential respects Debs 
was thoroughly symbolic of the S. 
P.: He was a man of many and 
shifting opinions ; he could blow hot 
and cold on Industrial Unionism, 
and could shout hallelujah for "Pub- 
lic Ownership" with the most ardent 
Hillquitite; he could weep salty 
tears, while pocketing handsome lec- 
ture fees, and gush the most sicken- 
ing sentiment in a manner not to be 
outdone by a Norman Thomas. A 
characteristic example of this slaver- 
ing of sickening sentiment deserves 
to be recorded here. That Debs was 

an actor was well known — he alwayn 
played a part, and always before the 
galleries. Who but an actor, study 
ing carefully the effect of each word, 
could be guilty of such cloying and 
nauseating expressions as these 
taken from a letter which Debt 
wrote to a fellow-member, David 
Karsner, his biographer, who in 
eluded it in his Debs biography. 
(The "Horace" referred to was one 
Horace Traubel, supposedly literary 
executor of Walt Whitman, of 
writings he gave many cheap imitl 
tions and who apparently played 
Boswell to Walt Whitman's Dr. 
Johnson!) The extracts from Debs', 
letter follow: 

"You [Karsner] are the very 
dearest, sweetest, finest of comrade', 
. . . .Dear, beautiful, wonderful Hor 
ace ! Put your arms around him and 
kiss him for me until I can do ho 
myself. The Almighty never made 
but one of him. Tell him for me to i 
cling to the willows and live — htl 
cannot otherwise., for he is immor 

It was no accident that Debs wnn 
the perennial standard-bearer of I lie 
corrupt, bogus, play-acting "Social 
ist party" of compromise, reform 
and sentimental utopianism. I, ike 
standard-bearer, so party, and vice 
versa ! 

No wonder capitalist interests hall 
the "Socialist party" and attempt I « » 
suppress the S.L.P. in one way of] 

another. When Thomas was i 

nated for President, the capita I r. I 
press slobbered over in their enllm 
siasm. The New York Times (April 
9, 1940) editorially acclaimed llifli 
saying that the S.P. conventlol 
named him "because he is not onli 
a good Socialist, but because he lint 


it pleasing personality and is highly 
respected by non-Socialists." And 
I he Times adds: "He is as good a 
grasshopper as the party could put 
.hi its hook in angling for a possible 
protest vote.' " 

"Grasshopper" isn't bad at all 
u I a < ■ ti we think about it! 

The New York World-Telegram, 
reactionary to the core, said that 
Mr. Thomas (and his running mate) 
nrc honest liberals," and gratefully 
acknowledges the fact that the 
"ideas of the Socialists [meaning the 
Thomas liberals] as to social and 
. < onomic reforms have a way of 
turning up, after a few years, as 
planks in the major party platforms 
and as laws on the statute books." 

Why, then, shouldn't the capitalist 
class be grateful to the Thomas "So- 
eialists," seeing that they furnish 
planks with which to shore up the 
potten and collapsing structure of 
Capitalism — and even themselves 
I ii iast of doing it? ! 

In the background of the social 
stage there looms the sinister shadow 
of Ultramontanism, the chief de- 
fender of reaction, the source of its 
inspiration and its guide to action, 
ft may only seem a shadow now, but 
let us not forget that behind such a 
shadow there is a formidable sub- 
stance. It is reaching its long hands 
into all avenues of social and politi- 
cal life. It is adaptable. It is cruel, 
ploody and monstrous in Spain, con- 
ciliating in Italy, lying low in the 
Nazi realm, and suave, insinuating, 
crafty and designing, and active as 
hell's angels, in the United States! 
When the time, to it, seems ripe and 
propitious, it does not hesitate to 
kIiow its hand. In Spain, under 

Franco, it condones, if it does not 
promote and abet, anti-Semitism at 
its worst. A press despatch relayed 
via Santiago, Chile (March 22, 
1940), reports that "Anti-Semitism 
Flares in Spain," the most repres- 
sive measures being taken to expel 
or crush the Jews. As a character- 
istic sample of this anti-Semitic cam- 
paign in Spain the despatch stated: 

"A Jew who died several weeks 
ago was ordered buried in a dog 
cemetery in St. Andres, a Barcelona 
suburb, because the Jewish cemetery 
had been demolished by the authori- 

A pleasant prospect, indeed. The 
honest, but naive, supporters of Ul- 
tramontanism in this country insist 
that the church here is quite differ- 
ent, quite American, don't you know ! 
Let us see how American the Ultra- 
montane hierarchy can be in the 
•United States. In a book entitled 
"Manual of Christian Doctrine," 
published as a "Course of Religious 
Instruction," by the "Brothers of the 
Christian Schools," and bearing the 
imprimatur of Cardinal Dougherty 
of Philadelphia and the Nihil Ob- 
stat of N. F. Fisher, S.T.L. (Censor 
Librorum) and Arthur J. Scanlan, 
S.T.D. (Censor Deputatus) — in this 
book that has gone through fifty- 
eight editions, we find a series of 
questions and answers that are most 
illuminating. Just a few can be 
cited here. To the question: "Why 
is the church superior to the state?" 
the answer is given: "Because the 
end to which the Church tends is the 
noblest of all ends." That settles 
that, like it or not! To the question: 
"What right has the Pope in virtue 
of this supremacy?" we get this an- 
swer: "The right to annul those 


laws or acts of government that 
would injure the salvation of souls 
or attack the natural rights of citi- 

Let us not forget that the matter 
of determining what does or does not 
"injure the salvation of souls" and 
what constitutes "attack [on] the 
natural rights of citizens" is a whol- 
ly one-sided affair, the side being 
that of the Church, which makes the 
final determination to its own satis- 
faction ! 

Defining "Liberalism," the manual 
says: "It [Liberalism] is founded 
principally on the fact that modern 
society rests on liberty of conscience 
and of worship, on liberty of speech 
and of the press." And to the ques- 
tion: "Why is Liberalism to be con- 
demned?" we are given these illu- 
minating replies: 

"1. Because it denies, all subordi- 
nation of the State to the Church; 
2. Because it confounds liberty with 
right; 3. Because it despises the 
social dominion of Christ and rejects 
the benefits derived therefrom." 

These, then, are authoritative 
statements by an important branch 
of the Church, and must necessarily 
represent the general views and pol- 
icies of the Church. The record is 
clear and establishes that the Church 
acclaims and condemns the follow- 
ing things: 

1. The Church is superior to the 

2. The Pope has the right, in 
his wisdom or judgment, or the lack 
of these, to annul laws which citizens 
are required to obey. 

3. Liberalism is condemned, 
hence that which "Liberalism" rep- 
resents. Therefore — 

4. Liberty of conscience and 


worship are condemned. 

5. Liberty of speech and of the 
press, likewise, are condemned. 

6. The subordination of the Stati 
to the Church is reaffirmed. 

7. "Liberty" and "right" appaj 
ently are incompatible. 

8. Christ has a "social domin 
ion," the meaning of which is tin! 
clear, unless it is an affirmation of 
the necessity or desirability of a the 
ocratic form of government. 

Here is a perfect program for n 
fascist State, for a social order of 
industrial feudalism. We are mil 
surprised, then, when the Church 
comes out in favor of the guild sy.s 
tern of the middle ages, nor docs il 
surprise us when an outstanding 
churchman, such as Msgr. John A 
Ryan, hails the defunct ISLR.A. §i 
an approach to the "ideal state." I F • 
compared the N.R.A. with the guild 
plan approved by the Church. Till 
S.L.P. was first to point out the re- 
actionary character of* the N.R.A., 
that it lent itself perfectly to bhl 
requirement of the corporate or fas 
cist State. We shall do well to fo] 
low closely the future action of bhl 
Church with regard to these succel 
sive steps leading to fascism, or [fl 
dustrial feudalism. 

While one, perhaps, should \w, 
one nevertheless is not, surprised I" 
find so-called progressive or "Social 
istic" labor leaders working hand m 
glove with the Ultramontane nut 
chine with regard to the ultimate en 
slavement of the workers — thai [| 
their ultimate reduction to eeon<Hm. 
serfdom, if the Church has its waj 
At any rate, from the Advance, I In 
official organ of the Amalgam.-ilc.l 
Clothing Workers of America, \\> 
learn that Sidney Hil'lman, General 

President of the A.C.W.A., has been 
invited by the American hierarchy 
<d' the Catholic Church to join a 
Catholic Commission on American 
Citizenship. Mr. Hillman eagerly 
incepted the invitation, saying in 
part that "Labor can make a sub- 
. I. -mtial contribution to a program of 
civic education, as envisioned by the 

late. Pontiff "! 

If we assume that the Pope's 
vision" of "civic education" is sim- 
ilar to the "civic education" taught 
hundreds of thousands of Catholics 
lh rough the "Manual of Christian 
I >octrine," quoted before, we have 
n pretty good idea of the part the 
( Ihurch expects to play in the found- 
ing of the "new order" that it is 
.striving to establish. That the Lew- 
ises, Hillmans and SoMossbergs 
( not to mention the Greens, et al.) 
should lend their support to such 
ultra-reactionary plans should give 
iih food for thought. So should the 
(lose relationship existing between 
Ihese labor lieutenants and the 
Thomases, Browders, and so forth. 

Against this field of reaction — es- 
sentially one in social objectives, 
whatever be the varying plans or 
specific programs — stands the So- 
cialist Labor Patrty, "like a rock," 
until its mission is accomplished, 
"alert and watchful, yielding noth- 

National Campaign 1940. 

In previous national campaigns 
I he N.E.C. Sub-iCommittee usually 
issued a call for a National Cam- 
paign Fund, fixing the amount at 
which to aim, whereupon the Na- 
tional Convention formally endorsed 

the action of the N.E.C. Sub-Com- 
mittee. This campaign year, co- 
inciding with the Golden Jubilee 
Anniversary of the Party, the N.E. 
C. at its session May, 1939, decided 
to issue a call for a Pre-Convention 
Campaign Fund of $20,000, to be 
collected and turned in at the Gold- 
en Jubilee celebration April 27. For 
this reason the N.EJC. Sub-Commit- 
tee found it undesirable to issue a 
call for the general Campaign Fund 
while pressure was being applied to 
the subdivisions to collect as much 
as they possibly could for the Pre- 
Convention Fund. Accordingly, the 
National Convention will be expect- 
ed to issue the formal call for a Na- 
tional Campaign Fund, determining 
the amount and perhaps the manner 
in which this fund should be col- 
lected. It is suggested that a Na- 
tional Campaign Fund of $200,000 
be collected. This is twice the 
amount of the call issued in 1936. 

Apart from the usual methods to 
be employed, including the circula- 
tion of National Campaign Fund 
lists, it is suggested that members 
and sympathizers be asked to donate 
so-and-so-many days' wages during 
the campaign — say, three days' 
wages — the returnable dates of these 
three days' wages contributions to be 
spaced evenly, as, for instance, a 
certain date in June, a certain date 
in August, and a certain date in Oc- 

The California S.E.C. devised 
what seems to be a very efficient 
method for collecting the state's 
quota on the Pre-Convention ($20,- 
000) Fund. The S.E.C. had Golden 
Jubilee pledge cards printed, each 
denominated $10, with provision on 
the card for the recording of 
amounts collected by the member, or 

contributed by himself, toward the 
completion of the $10 pledge. 
Adapting the plan of the California 
S.E.C., the point is that when a 
member takes a card he thereby 
pledges a minimum of $10 to the Na- 
tional Campaign Fund (or whatever 
the denomination of each card is 
made), and it is then up to the in- 
dividual member, as already men- 
tioned, to collect or make up the 
amount as best he can. The Sec- 
tions, of course, should be charged 
with the responsibility for these 
cards, which should be returned to 
the National Office with the amounts 
collected at regular intervals, and, 
in any case, all cards, whether ac- 
companied with cash or not, should 
be returned to the National Office at 
the end of the campaign. 

It is hoped that the convention 
will give this suggestion careful con- 
sideration, if it is found to be adapt- 
able for National Campaign Fund 
collection purposes. 

In a letter to our National Organ- 
izer, Comrade Quinn, a Detroit com- 
rade, Charles Schwartz, made a sug- 
gestion which seems good. The idea 
is "to place a small savings bank in 
each comrade's home. Occasionally, 
if a comrade thinks that he has done 
nothing or very little as regards 
Party activity, he can always deposit 
loose change into his bank to com- 
pensate for his inactivity. However, 
this little coin receptacle will always 
welcome loose change also from one 
who is consistently active. The 
time is drawing near when all these 
little banks [endorsed by Section 
Wayne County] will be called in by 
the Section, money removed, banks 
soldered up and distributed to the 
comrades as heretofore. I made up 
fifty banks for the Section. These 

are made from Pet milk cans. I us«i 
a glass cutter to make the slit whei 
the coin is dropped into, paint 'eiL, 
up and letter 'em 'Socialist Labor 
Party — 1940 National Campaign 
Fund,' and number each one. Also 
put up ten more of these banks for 
the Hungarian comrades. Now the, 
Bulgarians have given me an order 
for twenty." 

Obviously, this is a matter that] 
would have to be handled locally, if 
at all practical. It is interesting to] 
note that far-away Section Everett, 
Wash., quite independently conceived 
of the same idea, and developed it* 
very much along the lines suggested 
by our Detroit comrade. All of 

which proves an important sociologi- 
cal point, which need not be gone 
into here ! 

If for some reason it should not be 
considered feasible or advisable to 
carry out the plan devised by our 
California comrades, it is suggested 
that cards and stamps be printed 
similar to those that were used for 
the Weekly People and National Or 
ganizer Fund "Voluntary Assess 
ment." Since the National Organiz- 
er Fund "Voluntary Assessment" ex- 
pires in May, and conditions being 
what they are, if this had not been 
a national campaign year, the mem 
bers and sympathizers would prob 
ably have been asked either to con 
tinue the National Organizer Fun. I 
"Voluntary Assessment" another 
year, or to assume voluntarily 1li« 
obligation of a Weekly People ... 
sessment for 1940-1941. If this suj, 
gestion should prove more accept 
able, special cards and stamp! 
would, of course, be printed denol 
ing the purpose for which this vol 
untary assessment would be d, 

It is also suggested that the sub- 
divisions, including the Federation 
h ranches, be asked to arrange at 
least one picnic during the season 
I iir the benefit of the National Cam- 
paign Fund. In some states such 
picnics are called state picnics, to 
I lie success of which all the Sections 
hi the state contribute. However 
I liis may be done, it is felt that 
Mi rough these picnics it is made com- 
paratively easy to secure outside 
upport for the boosting of the Cam- 
paign Fund. Some Sections insist 
that they cannot arrange picnics for 
one reason or another, but it is not 
■ onceivable that there is a Section 
which cannot then arrange some sort 
of a social which, if properly 
handled, is quite likely to -yield con- 
siderable funds. It has even been 
shown that social affairs held in the 
private homes of comrades, using a 
birthday or family anniversary as an 
excuse, can yield $50 or $60 or 

No mention is made here of the 
aid that may be secured through the 
Weekly People Clubs, for the reason 
that during national campaign years 
I lie Press Funds are invariably neg- 
lected, and if the Weekly People 
Clubs will continue to do what they 
can to raise funds for the Weekly 
I'eople, they will be doing their full 
share in producing a successful cam- 

It is not assumed that all the pos- 
sibilities for raising funds have been 
suggested here. It is hoped that out 
of the collective wisdom of the Na- 
tional Convention other revenue-pro- 
ducing ideas will be suggested. If 
the members go about this business 
with determination to make a success 
of it, it is confidently to be expected 
that we shall raise whatever the 


amount may be that the convention 
fixes as the size of the Campaign 

The National Office will, of course, 
do everything possible to publicize 
the campaign nationally, and every 
effort will be exerted to secure radio 
facilities, locally and nationally. To 
a large extent, however, it will de- 
volve upon our membership in the 
various localities to take advantage 
of opportunities that present them- 
selves locally for advertising and 
publicizing the Party's National 
Campaign, its candidates, its spe- 
cial campaign literature, etc., etc. 
Undoubtedly every Section will 
have a local campaign committee, 
which, of course, would include a lo- 
cal leaflet distribution committee. 
Where there are unemployed mem- 
bers, these should be drafted particu- 
larly for the purpose of distributing 
leaflets, at a nominal compensation, 
which, if necessary, should be paid 
for out of the National Campaign 
Fund. The members should be on 
the look-out for opportunities to pre- 
sent the Party's message, whether it 
be before groups of workers, or other 
intelligent citizens, or through ascer- 
taining that a certain representative 
or candidate of another political 
party has been given radio facilities, 
and, if so ascertained, to make cour- 
teous but persistent efforts to secure 
similar facilities for the S. L. P. 
through the station, or stations, hav- 
ing extended such courtesies to 
other parties. 

As an example of alertness and 
resourcefulness in securing publicity 
and possible financial returns to the 
Party, we mention again the plan for 
having the S.L.P. represented at the 
Iowa State Fair during the summer. 
Wherever such or similar publicity 

can be secured, let us not hesitate to 
avail ourselves of it, provided it is 
within our means. 

M iscellaneous. 

Several proposals for constitution- 
al amendments, or changes in pres- 
ent Party procedure in particular re- 
spects, have been received. A series 
of such proposals and constitutional 
amendments were adopted by the 
Washington State Convention for 
submission to the National Conven- 
tion. Since the proposals of the 
Washington State Convention were 
not clear to the National Secretary, 
an inquiry was directed to our Wash- 
ington State Secretary, to which a 
subsequent reply was received. The 
correspondence is submitted here- 
with. It is not believed that the 
constitutional amendments proposed 
by the Washington S.E.C. are in the 
interest of the Party, for the reason 
that they are going back to methods 
and practises which had previously 
been discarded as inadequate, or not 
serving the best interests of the Or- 

A proposition has been received 
from Section Wayne County to 
amend the study class section of Ar- 
ticle II, to wit, Section 47, clauses 
(f) and (h) of the National Consti- 
tution. It might perhaps be noted 
here that these provisions were 
adopted after careful study and con- 
sideration. It is hardly necessary to 
remind ourselves that such changes 
as proposed by Section Wayne Coun- 
ty should not be made for light or 
purely local reasons, but that they 
should be considered rather from the 
standpoint of what best serves the 

Party's interests as a whole, and 
from the point of view of affordii^ 
all-round and general protection lo 
the Organization. It might also H 
pointed out here that clause (li) 
which Section Wayne County desiri I 
to have stricken from the ConstitU 
tion was proposed by the Section il 
self in 1938, with some, minor 
changes by the N.EjC. The faff 
that Section Wayne County two 
years ago felt satisfied with I lie 
change then proposed and now want! 
to reject it, would seem to indicatl 
that the Section has either not 
sufficient experience, or has not fullj 
thought out the difficulties whicB 
they seem to visualize. 

Section Kings County has submll 
ted a series of proposals, one or twfl 
of which would seem to require con 
stitutional amendments. The suggi 
tions are submitted herewith. No i! 
gument in support of these proposal! 
accompanied them. 

At the N.E.C. Sub^Committei 
meeting held April 11, 1940, ;i SUf 
gestion was made by an old veteraf 
comrade to supply to aged and pliy* 
ically disabled members a paid llfl 
membership card for life. The NT 
fC. .Sub-Committee felt that this w | 
a question that should be given con 
sideration by the Convention. \ 
we understand it, the reason for tltl 
comrade making this proposal is llml 
there are members who, either l>< 
cause of illness, or forgetfulnc 
pride, fail to make formal applli R 
tion for exemption stamps, with till 
result that sometimes such old uhmii 
bers eventually have to be dropped 
for non-payment of dues. The argil 
mentis also made* that under the pn 
ent constitutional clause memheri 
must themselves make formal appll 
cation for exemption stamps In- fori 

I hey a-re granted. The proposal is a 
radical departure from Party prac- 
tises in the past, and deserves to be 
(riven careful consideration. 

Ft has been the practise in the past 
to publish the Convention proceed- 
Ings in full in the WEEKLY PEO- 
PLE, including the voluminous re- 
ports of the National and Editorial 
Offices. It is not known or remem- 
bered when this practise was started. 
I lowever, there is no constitutional 
provision making such publication 
mandatory. Since the proceedings 
of the N.E.C. Sessions, for good rea- 
sons, are never published in the 
WEEKLY PEOPLE (barring such 
sections as lend themselves to publi- 
cation as articles, etc.), there seems 
bo be no good reason why the entire 
convention proceedings, including 
the aforementioned reports, should 
be published in the Party's official 
organ. There appear, however, to 
be very good reasons why this should 
not be done. For one thing, there 
are invariably matters of purely in- 
Icmal Party concern (including dis- 
ciplinary cases, etc.), which really 
ought not to be published in the 
WEEKLY PEOPLE; for another, 
lliere is the question of the tremen- 
dous amount of space consumed in 
publishing the voluminous reports. 
We suggest that the National Office 
be authorized to exercise its judg- 
ment with regard to the portions of 
I he convention proceedings, and the 
reports of the National Officers, 
which should be published in the 
WEEKLY PEOPLE. There being, 
as stated, no constitutional provision 
involved, a mere motion or resolution 
extending such authority should be 
lufficient, if the Convention concurs 
in the views expressed here. 

As has been the custom in the 


past, the Editorial and National Of- 
fices have collaborated in preparing 
proposed Party Platforms and Reso- 
lutions for the consideration of the 
Convention committees. It should 
hardly be necessary to observe that 
the Convention, if it so chooses, may 
disregard entirely what is submitted 
and prepare what to the delegates 
may seem to be desirable and satis- 
factory. In the main, the Resolu- 
tions and one of the Platform drafts 
have been prepared by the Editor of 
the WEEKLY PEOPLE. Printed 
copies of these documents have been 
made for the convenience of the dele- 
gates and the committees of the Con- 
vention. This might briefly be said in 
explanation of the reason for two 
Platforms being submitted: Our ex- 
perience, particularly during the last 
eight or ten years, has been that the 
Platform adopted by the preceding 
National Convention soon was found 
to be out of date, since it referred to 
current events which, especially in 
this rapidly changing age, presently 
appeared to have an appearance of 
ancient history. While unquestion- 
ably a Platform dealing with the is- 
sues and special moves made by the 
ruling class during, the campaign is 
desirable, it is also felt that the 
Party should have a Platform which 
is "permanent," as nearly, of course, 
as such a thing is possible under 
capitalism. It is left to the Conven- 
tion, of course, to decide whether or 
not two Platforms should be adopted, 
one to serve the immediate needs, 
and one the general purposes of a 
Platform during the next four years ; 
or whether the two should be com- 
bined; or an entirely different Plat- 
form adopted. 

In Memoriam. 

Death has again thinned our ranks 
during the last year. As though 
victims of the social storms raging, a 
full score of our comrades have 
fallen, "like leaves in wintry 
weather." Section Louisville, Ky., al- 
ready hard beset, lost two members 
who were among the oldest and, in 
their days, the most active and loyal 
S.L.P. men, Ferdinand Zimmerer and 
Louis Fleischer. And also among 
the oldest S.L.P. veterans who did 
so much to advance our cause we 
note Fred Brown of Section Cleve- 
land, O., Max Goltz, of Section 
Winona, Minn., C. F. Nielsen, of 
Section Seattle; and among those in 
middle life, who succumbed under 
the strain of a barbarous social sys- 
tem, we note with sorrow the passing 
of hard-working, genial 'Charles 
Clouse, of East St. Louis, 111., and 
John Farkas, Sr., of the Akron Hun- 
garian Branch, and Richard Ottem 
of Section Seattle, Wash., the latter 
a delegate to the 1936 National Con- 
vention, Gone also, in their best 
years, are those lovable and active 
S.L.P. women, Mae Nagle of Al- 
toona, Pa., Margaret Braun of 
Cleveland, O., and Leah Epstein of 
Brooklyn, N.Y. And others less well 
known, or who had withdrawn from 
the Party under the stress of a 
weary life, but who yet remained 
loyal to the S.L.P. principles to the 
end. We hail them all for their loyal- 
ty, and we remain grateful debtors 
to them for the comradeship they 
gave us. 

Looking back over the four years, 
the list of those who "crossed the 
bar" awakens sad memories, and yet 
memories tinged with pride and 
gratitude that this gallant band was 

once with and of us, and mindful 
that, though gone, their contribution?* 
to the Party make them forever 
present and visible parts of our 
selves and the S.L.P. There wtti 
faithful and hard-working Joint 
Eaton of Newark, N.J.; ever oplim 
istic and cheerful Sol Levinc of 
Brooklyn, N.Y. ; gentle, urbane and 
witty George Ohls of Pittsburgh 
Pa.; and fighting Fred Hanson <>l 
Boston, Mass. There was the in 
defatigable, ultra-self-sacrificin»- I'M 
McCormick of New York, and thij 
brave, wise and deeply devoted Bill 
garian comrade, S. S. Saralieff, EdJ 
tor of our Bulgarian organ, Ilal>«l 
nicheska Prosveta. And thougli f/n 
away from us, yet as close in spirit 1 
and fraternal fellowship as I In 
others, we miss with sadness that in 
trepid revolutionist of the antipodes, 
Alfred Wilson of Adelaide, Ausi Fl 
lia. And last, but, to so many of 
us, with most poignant and person*] 
sorrow, we note the passing of A I 
fred C. Kihn and Adolph Orange, 
both of whom were so much a pftfj 
of the S.L.P. that the vacancies l< H 
in the ranks by their going sewfl 
never to have been filled. Both w< n 
so typical and through and through 
S.L.P. men, and both having been 
intimately associated with Daniel I ){ 
Leon, their names will be mentiom .1 
with that of De Leon in endurln| 

All these loyal soldiers of till 
Proletarian Revolution we saluli 
and those others unnamed, who 
could they but speak, would say 

"There midst the world new buiU< 'I 
shall our earthly deeds alml- 

"Thougli our names be all forgo I U il 
and the tale of how we died," 


There were many among these de- 
parted ones who might well have 
lived long enough to have shared 
with us the pride and the joy we take 
in celebrating the glorious half-cen- 
tury of the founding of the Party, to 
whose successful labors and present 
soundness they contributed so mighti- 
ly. If there is an added regret in 
(heir passing from this scene of toil 
and trouble, it is just this, that they 
could not have rounded out with us 
I he fifty years of S.L.P. history 
which we are commemorating. And 
since this National Convention is 
not just the termination of a four- 
year period, but, above all, the cli- 
max of fifty fruitful and memorable 
years, it is altogether right that we 
should pause for a few more brief 
moments to reflect in wholesome rev- 
erence on those great figures of the 
past, Daniel De Leon and Henry 
Kuhn, and also — though not without 
some bitterness — on that very early 
figure and S.L.P. fighter, Lucien 
Sanial, who, though much older than 
De Leon, survived him by a number 
of years. Indeed, Lucien Sanial must 
have been nearly 100 years old when 
he died. As he told the present 
National Secretary of the S.L.P., 
he came here in the sixties from 
France where he had been an ardent 
disciple of Le Comte, whose "Posi- 
tive Pliilosophy" had caught his 
fancy. Arriving in the United States, 
he soon dropped that and embraced 
Marxism of which he became an able 
and eloquent exponent, despite a 
.strong French accent which remained 
with him to the end. It was Sanial 
who wrote the Socialist Labor Party 
national platform of 1889, the plat- 
iorm which, with little or no changes, 


was to serve as the Party's declara- 
tion of principles and aims until the 
1904 National Convention. In a let- 
ter to the present National Secre- 
tary, dated December 13, 1916, Sa- 
nial wrote: "If you can send me a 
copy, printed or typewritten, of the 
S.L.P. 's platform of 1900 (which 
was still exactly as I had drafted it 
at Chicago on October 1889), you 
would greatly oblige me." 

De Leon used to refer to Sanial in 
terms of pity and regret — pity that 
his failing eyesight made it almost 
impossible for him to do the literary 
and research work which he loved 
so well; regret that his vanity (and 
jealousy of the vastly superior De 
Leon) betrayed him into deserting 
the Party and the cause which he 
hitherto had served so ably and so 
brilliantly. Sanial was almost blind 
at the time the present National Sec- 
retary of the S.L.P. met him, as is 
attested in this letter written (to Ar- 
nold Petersen) November 3, 1916: 
"Were it not that I am more and 
more tightly a prisoner of my eyes, 
I would have ventured out on several 
occasions during the campaign." 

Hope was entertained by some S. 
L.P. members at that time that Sa- 
nial might be induced to acknowledge 
his mistakes, and rejoin the S.L.P., 
but that was expecting too much of 
a man who (however keen-minded 
even then) was approaching, if he 
had not already passed, his ninetieth 
year. Among those who were optim- 
istic on the score of reclaiming Sa- 
nial was our veteran Comrade 
Charles Corregan, of Syracuse, 
whose absence (due to age) from 
these Golden Jubilee exercises has 
been noted with deep regret. In No- 
vember, 1916, Comrade Corregan 
wrote your present National Secre- 

tary a letter, enclosing another let- 
ter addressed to Sanial by Corregan, 
in which Corregan expressed the 
hope that his letter might "aid in 
healing an old sore/' and that even 
if Sanial did not reply, "we have 
given," said Corregan, "Sanial a 
chance to retrieve himself in some 
measure." Sanial never replied and 
soon thereafter relations with him 
were again broken, and this time 

Comrade Corregan's letter, how- 
ever, is a gem of forbearance, of rev- 
erence for De Leon's memory, and 
of almost classic beauty in style and 
expression, and may well serve as a 
footnote to the Golden Jubilee cele- 
bration and the proceedings of this 
Convention at this point. It follows: 

"Syracuse, Nov. 20th, 1916. 

"Lucien Sanial, 

"Old Comrade (for were we not once 
aligned on the same battle-front?). 

"Section New York, S.L.P., on 
December 14th will inaugurate an 
annual commemoration of the ser- 
vices of Daniel De Leon, that being 
his natal day. Will not you, so long 
and intimately associated with him, 
lay a tribute on his bier? 

"Nothing, I believe, would tend 
more to rehabilitate you in the es- 
teem of those who revere his memory 
than such a kindly act on your part. 
In the course of his long service in 
the movement he came to the parting 
of ways with many, but in the three 
years in which I was associated with 
him at the Party plant, yours was 
the only disaffection for which I 
heard him express regret and which 
seemed to grieve him much. Ambi- 
tion, enmity, deceit and envy had led 
others away, but he always attrib- 

uted your estrangement to the wiles 
and misrepresentations of others. 
While the shafts of malice and ran- 
cor fall harmless now on the sward 
that covers the dead, shall misunder- 
standing still rankle in the heart of 
the living and keep asunder forever 
two names which should be linked 
together in grateful remembrance in 
the breast of every American work- 

"As your physical infirmities will 
probably preclude your presence at 
the commemoration, and if you de- 
cide to act on this suggestion, please 
forward your tribute to our National 
Secretary, Mr. Petersen, that it may 
be read and become a part in the in- 
stitution of this annual commemora- 

"Fraternally yours, 

(Signed) "Charles H. Corregan." 

Of different caliber was that iron 
soldier of the revolution, Henry 
Kuhn. Henry Kuhn was a staunch 
De Leonist, and though a proline 
writer on subjects directly relating 
to Party activities and controversies, 
he wrote little on the general topics 
of Socialism except during the last 
eight or ten years of his life. Thai 
is a pity, since this fact renders it 
difficult to limn a portrait of him 
that will convey anything very visual 
to those who did not know him per- 
sonally. We who knew him cherish 
the memory of a keen thinker, a logi 
cal contender, and a brave and truly 
great personality, kindly and humor 
ous with it all. 

But the towering personality whose 
genius shines with a lustre which thl 
years have only made brighter, is, 
of course, Daniel De Leon. Win 
he with us today, since he nevel 


doubted that the Socialist Labor 
Party would survive all its enemies 
arid emerge triumphantly in the end, 
lie would not be surprised to find 
the Party carrying on more vigor- 
ously than ever, but we may be sure 
that it would have warmed his heart 
could he have witnessed these Golden 
Jubilee celebrations and this Conven- 
lion. All-embracing, all-pervading, 
|)e Leon's genius has endowed the 
Socialist Labor Party with a vitality 
I hat cannot and will not lessen while 
longues and pens are needed to give 
expression to the great principle and 
program with which De Leon's name 
is inseparably associated. De Leon 
possessed the capacity invariably as- 
sociated with genius for so sinking 
himself into, and of so identifying 
himself with, the task to which he 
had dedicated himself, as to cause 
subject and self to fuse into one. He 
was, to borrow the words of the late 
Justice Cardozo, capable of complete 
"submergence of self in the pursuit 
of an ideal," he possessed "the 
readiness to spend [himself] (one's 
self) without measure, prodigally, 
almost ecstatically, for something in- 
tuitively apprehended as great and 
noble." He burned with a flame so 
fierce and bright that he scorched 
the ambitious, self-seeking and 
jealous mediocrities around him. The 
(lame of his genius they mistook for 
the same smouldering hatred which 
hurned in their bosoms, and judging 
him by their low standards, they de- 
nounced him for being the very 
things they were themselves, but 
which, indeed, he was not. In the 
cool recesses of his crystal mind he 
appraised them, found them wanting, 
and rejected them and their false, 
petty schemes, their ambitions and 
their corrupt or simply erroneous 

theories. And out of the hatred, 
which his moral rectitude and his in- 
tellectual integrity created, have 
grown the legends which to this day 
cluster around his name in the ene- 
my's camp — legends which are 
seized upon readj^-made by every 
whippersnapper reformer who con- 
ceives himself qualified to speak or 
write on the social question, and 
each such upstart adds his deposit 
of slander and misconceptions. Be- 
ing incapable of comprehending him, 
being unable to refute him, finding 
themselves in a blind alley of absur- 
dities and futilities, or cornered like 
rats, they seek to hide their rage in 
the wrinkle of a sneer. It was Goethe 
who said: 

"Contemporaries are too easily mis- 
taken in their appraisal of the great 
men of their day: their extraordina- 
ry qualities irritate them; their logi- 
cal and useful lives distort their 
views, prevent fair estimates and 
acknowledgment of their achieve- 
ments. But dust, fog and clouds 
disappear, they settle down and then 
we see the vista before our eyes, 
clear and distinct; we see light and 
shade, we examine the achievements 
of these great men, with a spirit 
calm, as we are in the habit of gaz- 
ing upon the glorious orb of the full 
moon on a clear summer night." 

A man of principle, De Leon 
judged others by the standards of 
principles. Accepting his own fate 
philosophically, he was impatient 
with the unprincipled, short-sighted 
and self-centered dwarfs who wanted 
to get "something now," and who 
demanded visible proof at every turn 
in the difficult road that this was 
the last turn. However calm and 
philosophical normally, he could be 

aroused to anger when these petty 
creatures answered his winged ar- 
rows of truths with spitballs of ven- 
om, malice and slander. In their 
lack of principles they illustrated 
Lowell's lines, which fit them as if 
they were addressed to them: 

"A merciful Providence fashioned 

us hollow 
On purpose that we might our 

principles swallow." 

Out of the shadows of the past 
there emerges this great figure — 
lovable, human and humane, erring, 
no doubt, in smaller things, but ever- 
lastingly right in all the things that 
mattered. No dust needs to be 
brushed off this giant figure of a 
man, despite the fifty years that have 
elapsed since he appeared as the in- 
comparable champion of the prole- 
tariat, nor yet since he passed from 
the scene of his struggles and 
achievements. We who know him 
and understand him see him whole 
and, seeing him, feel re-inspired to 
pursue the great objectives to which 
he and those who fought with him 
gave of themselves in fullest mea- 
sure. They did not recognize, nor 
do we recognize, defeats in the real 
sense of that word, for what men 
call defeats in a great cause are de- 
feats neither to the cause nor to its 
battle-scarred defenders, but to those 
served by the cause, some of whom, 
unfortunately, too often are the blind 
tools of their oppressors. "No mat- 
ter how often defeated," Emerson 
reminds us, "you are born to victory. 
The reward of a thing well done, is 
to have done it." 


And thus from the summit of the 
half-century of labor and achieve- 
ments the S.L.P. surveys the field, 

and girds itself for renewed bailie. 
The European war, more and morn 
assuming the proportions of a uni- 
versal war, proves to the hilt every 
major contention made by the Parly 
during these fifty years. We are 
more certain than ever (if that wen- 
possible) that sanity and order and 
peace can only be established in this 
world through the organized efforts 
of the working class, and of thai, 
working class it is peculiarly the 
American workers who are called 
upon by social evolution to take the 
lead. Social evolution has so wrought 
as to make it within the power of the 
working class and the working class 
alone, to create the basis for an en- 
during peace. It is within its reach 
to grasp the magic wand wherewith 
to bring forth the reign of economic, 
social and true individual liberty, 
abundance and peace for all, for all 
climes and all times. If the working 
class fails, humanity fails. Vain 
would then have been the agony and 
suffering throughout the ages, mean- 
ingless the upward climb of the race, 
futile its thousand years of straining 
to rise permanently above the level 
of the brute and the brute's savajre 
and circumscribed struggle to sur- 
vive. But the working class will not, 
cannot fail. It will not turn down 
the opportunity to conquer, now, lib- 
erty with peace and plenty; it will 
not accept the paltry bribe of "se- 
curity" for contented and submissive 
slaves. The vulgar drill-sergeants 
in power today have repudiated, and 
are bent on destroying, all that life 
holds dear to civilized man. The 
working class alone, organized in 
line with the principles and program 
of the Socialist Labor Party, can 
rescue the rich heritage of the past 
for themselves and for that happier 

posterity which some day will in- 
habit this earth. The usurpers have 
i v cry tiling against them — everything 
except the present ignorance of the 
working class. The usurpers are 
slrong only because the working 
elass is weak, and the working clwss 
it weak only beoawse k is not organ- 

The Socialist Labor Party has 
fought hard and consistently during 
Ihese fifty years to impart to the 
workers the secret of success. We 
cannot, we do not intend to, halt 
now. In ever increasing measure, 
with ever greater vigor, with convic- 

tion stronger than ever that histori- 
cal right eventually provides the 
might that will make of that right 
more than a sentimental catchword, 
we prepare ourselves for renewed 
battle this coming campaign, and 
whatever campaigns may follow. 

Fraternally submitted, 

National Executive Committee, 

Socialist Labor Party, 


National Secretary. 

New York, 

March 24-April 22, 1940. 



To the Delegates of the 1940 
'National Convention of the S.L.P. : 

The most salient problems con- 
fronting the editorial department of 
the WEEKLY PEOPLE have al- 
ready been dealt with thoroughly 
and comprehensively in the report 
of the National Secretary. These 
problems correspond to those of the 
Party itself and are pushed into the 
foreground by the terrific pace of 
world history. As the official printed 
spokesman of the Party, the WEEK- 
LY PEOPLE, or, more specifically, 
Lhe editorial department, is charged 
with interpreting these events, trac- 
ing them through all their intricate 
ramifications, exposing their inter- 
connection and weaving into them 
lhe science of Marxism. It is a task 
which cannot be approached indiffer- 

Once, perhaps, it was possible to 
take up each event deliberately, and 

engage in a long period of silence be- 
tween the event itself and the mo- 
ment when one ventures to explain it 
and its significance. If one had 
doubts concerning the correctness of 
his interpretation he could take am- 
ple time in which to gain reassur- 
ance. Today doubts are a luxury we 
can no longer afford. The events of 
two weeks ago are buried under the 
avalanche of today's news. 

To treat great domestic and 
international events today, there- 
fore, requires more than that 
the editor and his staff be 
well grounded in De Leonism. 
This, and constant "refueling" 
from the works of De Leon, Marx 
and others are, of course, indispen- 
sable requirements. But it is also 
necessary that there be organization 
and efficiency in the editorial office 
developed to a much higher degree 
than was hitherto achieved. It is 
now necessary that research be made 


without loss of precious time. This 
means, in addition to an alert staff, 
not only a large library and exten- 
sive files, but carefully indexed libra- 
ry and files, I am pleased to report 
that we are well on the way to 
achieving this desired efficiency, and 
that it promises to reduce still fur- 
ther the time interval between the 
actual occurrence of important 
events and the time when you may 
read a correct, well backgrounded, 
Marxian interpretation of them in 

The healthy and proper relation- 
ship between the editorial depart- 
ment and the National Office makes 
it quite unnecessary to bring up in 
this report minor problems which 
have formerly come before National 
Conventions. I shall, therefore, con- 
fine this report to those questions 
which depend for their solution on 
the membership generally and the 
contributors to the WEEKLY PEO- 
PLE specifically. 

Building Up a "Staff." 

Before the National Executive 
Committee in session in New York, 
May 6, 1939, we expressed the vital 
importance of a "field staff" and our 
need for still more regular contrib- 
utors. The character of the contrib- 
utions required was described in that 
report and need not be repeated here 
except to emphasize that articles 
should be brief and timely and based 
on events instead of cliches. Happi- 
ly this appeal has brought some re- 
sults and we have had far fewer 
"crises" (i.e., weeks during which no 
copy arrives from the outside) than 
formerly. That these "crises" still 
recur is evidence of the need for 
more contributors and greater regu- 

larity on the part of those who are* 
already writing for the WEEKLY 

We are not only anxious to spur 
old contributors on but we also waul, 
to enlist new writers. Unfortunate- 
ly we are not always able to use all 
the manuscript coming into the edi« 
torial office, and our rejection tends 
to discourage writers who show real 
ability. Moreover, pressure of work 
forbids our taking the time to write, 
criticisms of manuscript rejected. 
Therefore, we take this opportunity 
to beg indulgence of those members 
of the "field staff" whose efforts 
have not been published and ask that 
they try again. We confess looking 
forward to the time when we can af- 
ford to be even more selective than 
now — that is, when we shall always 
have more manuscript than we can 
use and raise our standards general 
ly, but for the present we would l>e 
content with a modicum of coopera 
tion from the field. 

Early this year I received a letter 
from a large mid-western Section ad- 
vising that a class had been organ 
ized to teach the fundamentals of 
speaking and writing. I quote from 
the letter of the instructor: 

"We studied and discussed outline 
at a few classes, also at one class 
discussed the points in the IN.E.C. 
minutes of May, 1939 (How Not to 
Write). Then I gave an assign 
ment, a paragraph from a book writ- 
ten by Gerald L. K. ;Smith, who be- 
came prominent in the back-to-work 
movement in the last Chrysler labor 

trouble In the future we will 

tackle various news events 

Enclosed with the letter were sev- 
eral manuscripts dealing with Hie 
topic assigned. All were good. We 
selected one and it was published in 

the WEEKLY PEOPLE, February 


I wish to propose to the conven- 
tion that Sections be urged to incor- 
porate a writers' course wherever 

I here is a speakers' class and where 

I I is otherwise feasible. 

Such a course should not only en- 
deavor to teach those who possess 
.nine writing ability how to write 

recognize the newsworthincss of the 
subject. Similar instances which il- 
lustrate this point are almost num- 
berless and occur all over the coun- 
try. We hope that with an enlarged 
"staff" this fault may be remedied. 

We can all have a justifiable pride 
in the cartoons and drawings by our 
four capable S.L.P. artists. They re- 
veal not only excellent craftsmanship 

,1111111. VlllW'igi ***,~**.vj ■■ • ^ 

crisplv and succinctly and to "weave but a keen grasp of the mission ot 

I lie theory into the events of the 
day"; it should also teach what is 
I ust news or what is news worthy of 
treatment in the WEEKLY PEO- 
PLE. Not long ago the following 
item appeared in the New York 
iVorld-Telegmm, bearing the cap- 
lion, "Sorry, No Story": 

"Our correspondent neglected to 
send us a story about the annual din- 
ner of the Brookhaven Town Volun- 
teer Firemen's Assn. in Patchogue, 
L.L, last night 

'When he was queried today as to considerable commendation 

satire. The reception accorded them 
gives us reason to plan their con- 
tinued use even with greater frequen- 
cy. On this point I should like to 
add that the cooperation of each of 
our artists has been 100 per cent. 
Not only do they contribute on their 
own initiative but whenever a request 
is made of them their response is 
prompt and wholehearted. 

Our use of vignettes— little carica- 
tures of prominent national and in- 
ternational figures — has also won 


why we hadn't received a story about 
the dinner he replied: 

" 'Oh, there wasn't any story. They 
didn't get to finish the dinner. They 
had to interrupt it and run over to 
the Island Coal and Lumber Co. in 
Med ford and help put out a fire.' " 
I am afraid that many of our writ- 

from the fact that they break up the 
severity of solid type, they skilfully 
satirize those who are representative, 
in one way or another, of our foe. 
Nearly all our readers welcome their 
use and appreciate their dual mis- 
sion. In contrast to this universal 
accord are two communications 

ers are like this correspondent. They which express divergent views. One, 

do not recognize news when they see 
it. For example, last year there was 
a relief crisis in Ohio. We published 
some stories on it, but they were all 
prepared in the editorial office. It 
was an excellent opportunity to dem- 
onstrate the utter, callous cruelty of 
capitalism and the hypocrisy of both 
the Democrats and Republicans for 
whom relief is only a political foot- 
ball and we did the best we could 
with meager reports. Yet not a sni- 
ffle writer on the scene seemed to 

attached as a postscript to a letter to 
the National Office, reads: 

"I do not like to see the ugly faces 
of labor fakers or politician in the 
W.P. there are no Education arrived 
from it." (Sic) 

While our article, "Satire— Weapon 
of Truth," effectively answers this 
critic, I should like to repeat here 
De Leon's summation of the mission 
of satire: 

"Satire is a powerful weapon. No 
movement may throw the weapon 


aside without injury to its arsenal. 
As satire has its strength in facts, 
otherwise concealed, that it brings 
home, only sound movements and 
thoughts can forge the weapon. It 
were folly to leave such a valuable 
weapon unused because of the lack 
of intelligence of some to appreciate 

It might be argued, of course, that 
our vignettes do not fall in the cate- 
gory of satire. We hold that they 
do. The artist in exaggerating fa- 
cial characteristics has subtly drawn 
a character portrait, not only of the 
man, but of the movement he per- 
sonifies. Take, for example, the 
caricature of John L. Lewis. His 
fleshy jaw, small nose and heavy 
brows are emphasized in such a way 
as to subtly convey the idea of an 
English pug dog. Without inten- 
tionally slandering that canine breed, 
I submit that in its countenance are 
written ignorance and viciousness. 
How better can the labor faker, John 
L. Lewis, be described? 

Another caricature is that of Hiro- 
hito. There he stands, in royal uni- 
form, holding the sword of one of 
his less puny ancestors, trying des- 
perately to look intelligent and fail- 
ing miserably in this attempt. 

This is satire, satire in one of its 
most subtle and effective forms. 

As for the ugliness of the faces in 
ouk. vignettes, I fear that Nature 
and not the artist of the WEEKLY 
PEOPLE must bear the onus. 

The second criticism was a joint 
letter written by two comrades. The 
letter and my reply follow: 

"June 28, 1939. 
"Dear Comrade Hass: 

"We are writing to say that we do 
not like the use of the small carica- 


tures in the columns of the WEEK- 
LY PEOPLE. We think these little* 
pictures are clever, but that theirj 
place is not in the WEEKLY PEO- 
PLE. The new reader of our paper, 
we believe, is likely to conclude that 
our movement attacks these men as 
individuals, whereas all our articles 
try to point out that the individual 
leader is but the creature of the eco- 
nomic system which breeds him. 

"We are not objecting to cartoons 
or pictorial art in the WEEKLY 
PEOPLE but merely to the employ- 
ment of the disembodied faces. We 
would enjoy seeing more of the type 
of cartoon which graced the front 
of the April 2;2nd issue. 

"Hoping that you will see our 
point, we are," etc. 

"June 29, 1939. 
"Dear Comrades: 

"I received your letter of June 21 
criticizing the half-column carica- 
tures we are now using in the 

"'First, I should like to say they 
are not merely 'clever' little pic- 
tures. They are top-flight caricatures 
in which the artist has captured and 
exaggerated salient characteristics, 
even to the character, of his sub- 

"You make the point (your only 
point) that the new reader 'is likely 
to conclude that our movement at 
tacks these men as individuals.' 
Somewhere (I haven't the time m 
look it up now) De Leon says in ef 
feet : 

"The S.L.P. attacks movement ■• 
not men. But when men identify 
themselves so completely with move 
ments as to personify them, then il 
becomes impossible to separate tho 

two. Then men fall under Social- 
r. ins blows. 

"Could one even consider the Pope 
i . an individual? Such an attitude 
U preposterous. Who is Lewis but 
the personification of the C.I.O.? 
And could you visualize Hitler as 
anything but the nominal head of a 
capitalist nation surrendered to bar- 

"The position you express could 
In carried to very amusing extremes. 
Kor, if it is illogical to attack cor- 
rupt and venal creatures who per- 
lonify false movements, then it is il- 
logical to attack that abstract 'capi- 
talist' who, to use your own argu- 
ment, 'is the creature of the economic 
system which breeds him.' I do not 
mean to be facetious when I say that 
1 1 might be carried to the extreme of 
apologizing each time we call a man 
a faker, a madman or a bandit. 

"I could cite you a thousand al- 
liances when men like Marx, Engels, 
Lenin and De Leon attacked indivi- 
duals with everything from a meat 
axe to razor-sharp satire, always, of 
course, proving the truth and justice 
of their attacks, as, I hope you will 
agree, we do. 

"I hold that in the mortal combat 
with the enemy every honorable 
weapon should be used vigorously 
without any consideration for 'feel- 
ings.' Satire is one of our weapons 
and one we would be fools not to use. 

"I do not agree that new readers 
find such caricatures objectionable. 
'\ew readers,' if they are the kind 
we have any hope of keeping, could 
not possibly have such consideration 
lor the Pope, Franco, Hitler, et al., 
as to be repelled by our caricatures. 
As for Roosevelt, Lewis, Green, et 
al., it is reasonable to believe that 
bur new readers are suspicious of 

them or at least not so completely 
'sold' as. to resent our satiric thrusts. 

"Apart from this I hold these 
drawings break the severity of solid 
type without violating the restraint 
of our make-up, and they enliven the 
printed page. 

"I, nevertheless, appreciate your 
writing me concerning your reac- 
tions. It goes without saying that if 
Such reactions were general, we 
would dispense with the caricatures 
forthwith. They are not. On the 
contrary, with the exception of your- 
selves, all who have expressed them- 
selves have expressed unqualified ap- 

A few criticisms have been sent us 
which merit brief treatment here. A 
communication endorsed by Section 
Oakland raises three points which 
we herewith outline briefly: 

1. The suggestion was made that 
we carry as a permanent feature a 
clear, simple and terse statement of 
the Party's aims and principles, 
in order that new readers might 
grasp these aims and principles 
without having to piece them 
together from various articles. 
We are in accord with this 
proposal and hope that, before this 
report is made, such a statement will 
have been written. If not, it will be 
due to pressure of other work. In 
this connection I have thought of 
initiating a "contest" among SL.P. 
writers who would submit such a 
statement, but, to date, the idea has 
not jelled. 

2. Section Oakland also proposed 
that we run footnotes to elucidate 
and define Marxian terms and 
phrases. To this proposal I replied: 

"If we were to attempt to make 
definitions in footnotes, there would 


be footnotes at the bottom of nearly 
every column, and if the definitions 
were to he satisfactory, they might 
even take up a half or three quarters 
of a column or more. Moreover, 
where are we to begin, and where 
are we to end? [How simple must a 
Marxist term be to make it unneces- 
sary to define in a footnote? 

"I am afraid that this question of 
Marxist terminology is insoluble, 
and that, as is the case with every 
other science, scientific terms must 
be understood through study." 

3. The third question raised was 
that of the use of foreign words and 
phrases. I replied to this criticism 
as follows: 

"Few foreign words and phrases 
are used in the WEEKLY PEOPLE 
other than those which have been 
adopted into the English language, 
i.e., phrases like 'status quo,' or 'ex 
post facto,' etc. Wherever foreign 
phrases are used which are not in 
common usage, it is a practice of the 
WEEKLY PEOPLE to give a trans- 
lation in parentheses." 

In addition to these criticisms have 
come the perennial ones concerning 
the prodigiousness of some of the ar- 
ticles, obscure language, etc. Where 
extensive treatment is unnecessary, 
we are endeavoring to treat all sub- 
jects tersely. At the same time we 
recognize that where a thesis re- 
quires it, writers are justified, in 
writing at length and we cannot see 
the wisdom of sacrificing thorough- 
ness for the benefit of those who like 
their education in capsule form. As 
for obscure language, we are, as 
has been pointed out, striving to 
eliminate it and attain a greater sim- 
plicity in presentation. 

You have all seen the Golden Ju- 
bilee publications, both the Magazine 


and the WEEKLY PEOPLE. Co- 
operation from all the contributors 
to these publications has been all 
that could be desired, and accounts, 
in great part, for their quality. Co- 
operation also made it possible to 
maintain a schedule so that the pub- 
lications were issued without fric- 
tion. In addition to writers from 
America, Canada, Australia, Eng- 
land and Denmark, we are indebted 
to our "art staff" which has done so 
much to help us raise the standards 
of both the Magazine and the 

To many of you, who have your 
minds focused on the 1940 campaign, 
it may seem early to talk about the 
Golden Jubilee of the WEEKLY j 
PEOPLE, to be published in 1941. 
Yet we, in the editorial office, are 
compelled to give thought to this im- 
portant edition now, although we do 
not intend that it should divert us 
from the more important immediate 
problems in connection with the cam- 
paign. I mention it in order to con- 
vey to you a conception of the 
amount of work and planning which 
goes into special issues of the 
WEEKLY PEOPLE and our Maga- 

Page Six, 
Page six of our regular six-page 
issue is devoted to official notices. 
Its importance can scarcely be exag- 
gerated. And the headaches it causes 
the editorial office seems to be ill| 
proportion to its importance. We 
have tried to revamp it in such U 
way as to make it less of an "ugly 
duckling," but with little success. 
The tedious job of editing this page 
belongs to Comrade Wills. It is 1 
job made all the more tedious by 
carelessness on the part of those wlio 
send in announcements. Because of 


her familiarity with the problems 
page six occasions I have asked Com- 
rade Wills to list the principal trans- 
gressions and explain the routine 
handling of announcements. Her re- 
port follows: 

"Announcements are made ready 
for the linotype operator and passed 
mi to him when they come to the of- 
fice . He sets aside a little time dur- 
ing the day to get these set so that 

I lie day of going to press it is a mat- 

I I r of collecting them and getting 
them in their proper page position. 
Naturally both editorial assistant 
and linotype operator dismiss from- 
llieir minds a routine announcement. 
However, when the time for getting 

I lie page ready comes, we often find 
duplicate announcements. This oc- 
curs because two people send in the 
same announcement or because a 
mere detail is to be added to an an- 
nouncement — in the case of a lecture 
series, an additional date, speaker, 
etc. — and the whole announcement is 
carefully typed anew so that we con- 
sider it new. This is a complete 
waste of your time and ours. See 
that only one person sends in an an- 
nouncement, and, when an addition 
only is made, indicate that clearly. 

"Be sure to observe the warning 
at the head of the column 'Official': 
'Always include place, date and 
time.' In fact, these and other abso- 
lute essentials should constitute your 
announcement. Avoid verbal .flour- 
ishes. We have no room for them 
and they do not belong on page six. 
Save them for your local advertising. 

"For several weeks we carried this 
warning: 'Organizers, Press Commit- 
tees, Please Note: In wording your 
announcements for entertainments 
please keep in mind this regulation 
of the U.S. Post Office: " and 

no newspaper .... containing any ad- 
vertisement of any lottery, gift en- 
terprise, or scheme of any kind offer- 
ing prizes depending in whole or in 
part upon lot or chance. . . .shall be 
carried in or carried by the mails of 
the United States or be delivered by 
any postmaster or letter carrier." A 
penalty of not more than $1,000 or 
imprisonment of no more than two 
years is threatened. Postal authori- 
ties have interpreted this provision 
to include card parties, bingo and 
bunco parties, etc.' 

"Despite this warning in the 
WEEKLY PEOPLE and a form 
letter which we send to those who 
send in announcements that have to 
be reworded to be published, rarely 
does a week pass that the warning 
is not ignored — at times by some one 
who has already received one or two 
copies of the form letter. This is 
another time-waster that must be 



We face a gruelling campaign and 
one which places greater demands on 
us than any in the past. What is 
going to make it even more difficult 
is the fact that most of the contrib- 
utors to the WEEKLY PEOPLE 
are also active in other branches of 
Party work. Nevertheless, the im- 
portance of the WEEKLY PEO- 
PLE is such that we feel justified in 
asking more, not less, cooperation. 

It is our earnest desire constantly 
to improve the WEEKLY PEOPLE, 
and make of it such a dynamic pub- 
lication as to compel the attention of 
that great and, as yet, amorphous 
mass of workers. The Socialist La- 
bor Party has the correct and, there- 
fore, compelling program. Yet we 
know that a light may burn with in- 
tense brightness and radiate its bril- 


liance into a void unless^ behind it, 
is a polished reflector so skilfully- 
fashioned as to gather and bend the 
vagrant rays into one mighty reful- 
gent beam. We regard the WEEK- 
LY PEOPLE as an instrument 
which refracts and intensifies the ra- 
diant light cast into a world of 
darkness by the S.L.P. It must 
never, through negligence or lack of 

zeal, be permitted to lose what re- 
flecting power it has thus far 
achieved, but must gain in lustre un- 
til the day when the working class 
follows the path it limns and its mis- 
sion will be finished. 

Fraternally submitted^ 
Eric HasSj 




Platform of the 
Socialist Labor Party. 

Socialism or Capitalism— that is 
I lie crucial issue confronting the 
workers of America! 

Shall we institute a society of col- 
h-etive property, production for use, 
plenty for all and international 
peace, or shall we allow predatory 
< apitalism to drag society back into 
a new dark ages? 

The Socialist Labor Party of 
America, at its 20th National Con- 
vention in the City of New York. 
April 29, 1940, reiterates that capi- 
talism cannot be mended, but must 
be ended. Indisputable evidence of 
hopeless social decay is apparent 
nationally in the concentration of 
wealth and power, on the one hand, 
and perpetual mass unemployment, 
and insecurity among the workers, 
<,m the other. Internationally the 
breakdown of capitalism reveals it- 
self in world chaos — a desperate 
death struggle between capitalist na- 
tions over the world's markets and 
spheres of influence. 

We hold that the existing contra- 
diction between the theory of demo- 
cratic government and the fact of a 
despotic economic system— the pri- 
vate ownership of the natural and 
social opportunities — -divides the na- 
tion into two classes: the non-pro- 
ducing, but owning, Capitalist Class, 
and the producing but propertiless 
Working Class; throws society into 
the convulsions of the Class Strug- 
gle; and invariably perverts govern- 
ment to the uses and benefit of the 
Capitalist Class. 

The incompetence of the Capital- 

ist Class and its unfitness to rule 
any longer stand conspicuously dem- 
onstrated. Capitalist Class rule has 
created slums in the cities faster 
than it has torn them down. It has 
thrown millions of workers on the 
industrial scrap-heap barely to ex- 
ist on the degrading pittance of re- 
lief. Its minimum wage has placed 
the stamp of approval on a starva- 
tion wage and in great industrial 
areas the "minimum wage" has be- 
come the maximum wage. In its in- 
sane efforts to raise prices and cre- 
ate scarcity, it has hailed drouths as 
blessings and bumper crops as a 
curse. Through its executive com- 
mittee, the Political State, it has 
wantonly destroyed the surplus 
while millions were ill fed. 

Capitalist political henchmen have 
placated the workers with sops and 
relief and the promise of jobs with 
the restoration of production. But 
when production soared above the 
1929 peak, in December, 1939, its 
staunchest apologists admitted that 
higher production had been effected 
without reducing unemployment. In 
spite of billions spent for relief and 
additional billions spent to "prime 
the pump," in spite of scores of re- 
forms acclaimed as "victories" for 
the workers, in spite of prodigious 
programs for rehousing,, reclamation,, 
resettlement, and work relief — un- 
employment and insecurity among 
the workers are as rampant as ever. 
To swell its profits, the capitalist 
class seeks in the laboratory still 
newer means of cheapening com- 
modities, new methods of eliminating 
workers, thus consigning them to 
permanent unemployment. 

Private ownership stands as a 

solid wall between the useful pro- 
ducers and the product of their la- 
bor. The Socialist Labor Party de- 
clares that this wall shall be bat- 
tered down and the wealth of the na- 
tion be made available to all who 
perform useful labor. Under So- 
cialism, machines, collectively owned 
and operated for the benefit of so- 
ciety, can be made to fulfill the 
promise of the age and bring an end 
to unemployment and poverty. In- 
stead of eliminating workers, social- 
ly owned and constantly improved 
machinery will eliminate hours from 
the working day, giving leisure and 
affluence to all. 

Unable to solve the problems at 
home, the capitalist class diverts at- 
tention from its failures to the an- 
archy abroad. The long anticipated 
war is now an irrevocable fact. Cap- 
italist democracy is perishing in its 
flames. The belligerents which 
boasted the broadest liberties have 
scrapped the conquests of centuries 
of struggle for freedom over night. 
Perceptibly America is being drawn 
into the bloody vortex. Its exports 
have shifted from grain, fruit and 
plows to war-planes, guns and mu- 
nitions. On this grim traffic is its 
"prosperity" based. War feeds on 
commerce; commerce feeds on war. 
Under the pretext of "national de- 
fense" and to a chorus of declama- 
tions for peace, its statesmen, New 
Deal, old deal, liberal and conserva- 
tive alike, gird the nation for its 
fateful role. Punchinello-like, the 
political henchmen of the capitalist 
class move as their masters pull the 

War referendums, pacifism and 
anti-war resolutions are futile, child- 
ish gestures. We hold that, given 
the capitalist system with its mutual 

antagonisms and relentless struggle 
for markets, American involvement 
in the European war is inescapable. 
Capitalism means war; one plank of 
capitalism means the whole of capi- 
talism. To oppose one plank only is 
to leave all others standing and thus 
render abortive all seeming success 
against the monster. It is the capi- 
talist system itself which must be 
destroyed ! 

Against this insane social system 
the Socialist Labor Party raises the 
banner of revolution and calls upon 
the working class to organize politi- 
cally and industrially for the con- 
quest of power. 

The Constitution of the United 
States provides for its own amend- 
ment. The Constitution thereby rec- 
ognizes and legalizes revolution. Our 
people hold the government in the 
hollow of their hand. We propose, 
therefore, that the revolutionary 
change be effected by the peaceful 
and civilized means of the ballot. 

In presenting the issue — Socialism 
or Capitalism — and a program for 
its solution the Socialist Labor Par- 
ty stands alone. All other parties, 
whether Republican, Democratic, 
"Socialist," "Labor," "Progressive," 
or "Communist," propose reforms 
which tend to preserve capitalism 
•but fail to improve the lot of the 
workers. Therefore, we call upon 
the toilers of America, in order to 
implement their hope for life, lib- 
erty and the pursuit of happiness, 
to cast their ballot for the Socialist 
Labor Party, for the abolition of the 
capitalist system. 


Recognizing the simple truth thai. 

RIGHT without the MIGHT to 

support it is useless and meaning- 



less, we call upon the workers of 
America to organize themselves into 
integral Socialist Industrial Unions 
to enforce the demand for collective 
ownership proclaimed through the 
ballot. But we at the same time cau- 
tion the workers that such unions 
must be organized, for none now ex- 
ist. The C.I.O., A, F. ofL., and 
similar organizations are agencies of 
capitalism for the reason that they 
are pledged to maintain the system 
of private property, and structurally 
I hey lend themselves preeminently 
to the furthering of capitalist inter- 

Organized as a class, along indus- 
trial lines, the workers can act in- 
stantaneously, and with such momen- 
tum that no power on earth can stop 
them. Only the thoroughly inte- 
grated Socialist Industrial Unions 
can block a brutal reaction, should 
the outvoted, expropriated capital- 
ists rebel against the explicit deci- 
sion of the majority. 

TION : More than an invincible 
force behind Labor's ballot, the So- 
cialist Industrial Union organizes 
the workers intelligently to curry on 
production, thus avoiding a chaotic 
period of transition. Finally, the 
Socialist Industrial Union becomes 
the Government of the Socialist Re- 
public, supplanting the outworn, re- 
actionary and inefficient capitalist 
Political State. Democratically elect- 
ed representufmes of the industrial 
constituencies will form an Indus- 
trial Union Congress, the duties of 
which will be the simple ones of di- 
recting, coordinating and supervising 
production for the benefit of all. 

Workers of America ! The issue 
of our age can no longer be post- 
poned ! Vote for the Socialist Re- 


public! Organize the Socialist In- 
dustrial Union NOW to put a speedy 
end to barbarous capitalism. Unite 
under the banner of the Socialist La- 
bor Party NOW to demand — 









Declaration of 
Fundamental Principles. 

The Socialist Labor Party of 
America, in convention assembled, in 
the City of New York, April 29, 
1940, reasserts the inalienable right 
of man to life, liberty and the pur- 
suit of happiness. 

We hold that the purpose of gov- 
ernment is to secure to every citizen 
the enjoyment of this right; but 
taught by experience we hold, fur- 
thermore, that such right is, illusory 
to the majority of the people, to wit, 
the working class, under the present 
system of economic inequality that 
is essentially destructive of THEIR 
life, THEIR liberty, and THEIR 

We hold that man cannot exercise 
his right to life, liberty and the pur- 
suit of happiness without the owner- 
ship of the land on and the tools with 
which to work. Deprived of these, 
his life, his liberty and his fate fall 
into the hands of the class that owns 
those essentials for work and pro- 
duction. This ownership is today 
held by the minority in society, the 

capitalist class, exercising through 
this ownership and control an eco- 
nomic despotism without parallel in 

Government statistics* establish 
that 59 per cent of the nation's 
wealth is owned by 1 per cent of the 
population; that 3(3 per cent of the 
wealth is owned by 12 per cent of 
the population, thus finally estab- 
lishing that 92 per cent of the na- 
tion's wealth is owned by 13 per 
cent of the population, leaving the 
vast majority, the working class, or 
87 per cent of the population, the 
owners of but 8 per cent of the na- 
tion's wealth. 

The ownership of the bulk of the 
nation's wealth by the few is conclu- 
sive evidence that labor is robbed of 
the major portion of the product 
which it alone produces. Thus the 
worker is denied the means of self- 
employment, and, by compulsory 
idleness in wage slavery, is deprived 
of even the necessaries of life. 

We hold that the existing contra- 
diction between the theory of demo- 
cratic government and the fact of a 
despotic economic system — the pri- 
vate ownership of the natural and 
social opportunities — divides the na- 
tion into two classes: the non-pro- 
ducing, but owning, Capitalist Class, 
and the producing, but propertiless, 
Working Class; throws society into 
the convulsions of the Class Strug- 
gle, and invariably perverts govern- 
ment to the uses and benefit of the 
Capitalist Class. 

The time is now here when, as the 
natural result of social evolution, 
this system has worked out its own 
downfall. Having completed its nor- 

*Federal Trade Commission Report, 

mal development, the capitalist sys- 
tem, and its political reflex, the 
State, are now outworn. No longer 
able to dispose readily of the huge 
quantities of surplus commodities in 
foreign markets, each capitalist na- 
tion seeks desperately to crowd out 
its competitors, with the result that 
wars and conflicts convulse the civil- 
ized world. In this mad struggle 
for survival, the working classes of 
all nations are the chief sufferers. 

Against such a system the Social- 
ist Labor Party raises the banner of 
revolt and demands the uncondition- 
al surrender of the Capitalist Class. 
In this supreme crisis no reform 
measures will stead, and history 
teaches that where a social revolu- 
tion is pending, and, for whatever 
reason, is not accomplished, reaction, 
dictatorship, is the alternative. Hav- 
ing outlived its social usefulness, 
capitalism must give way to a new 
social order— a social order wherein 
government shall rest on industry, 
on the basis of useful occupations, 
instead of resting on territorial (po- 
litical) representation. This new 
social system can only be the Social- 
ist Industrial Union form of Gov- 
ernment if the needs of the vast ma- 
jority are to be served, and if prog- 
ress is to be the law of the future 
as it has been in the past. Upon the 
despoiled workers rests the duty of 
effecting this revolutionary change 
in a peaceful, civilized manner, using 
the ballot and all that thereby hangs 
in order to effect the change. 

We, therefore, call upon the wage 
workers of America to organize un- 
der the banner of the Socialist La- 
bor Party into a classconscious body, 
aware of its rights and determined 
to conquer them. 

We further call upon the wage 

workers of America to organize into 
Integral Socialist Industrial Unions 
to enforce the fiat of their ballot, 
and to fulfill the needs and purposes 
of the Socialist Industrial Union 
(iovernment. Industrial Unionism is 
I lie Socialist Republic IN THE 
MAKING; the goal reached — the 
Industrial Union — is the Socialist 
Republic in operation. 

And we also call upon all other 
intelligent and social-minded citizens 
to place themselves squarely upon 
i he ground of Working Class inter- 
« sts, and join with us in this mighty 
and noble work of human emancipa- 
lion, so that we may put summary 
end to the existing barbarous class 
conflict by placing the land and all 
the means of production, transpor- 
I ation and distribution into the hands 
of the useful producers as a collec- 
tive body, and substituting the So- 
cialist Industrial Cooperative Com- 
monwealth for the present state of 
planless production, ■ industrial and 
international wars and social disor- 
der—a commonwealth in which ev- 
ery worker shall have the free exer- 
cise and full benefit of his faculties, 
multiplied by all the modern factors 
of civilization. 


Resolution on the European 

Imperialist wars are absolutely in- 
evitable so long as private ownership 
of the means of social production ex- 
ists. Expressed in other words : The 
rivalries between imperialist (capi- 
talist) powers over world markets, 
sources of raw materials, and 


spheres of economic and political in- 
fluence, inevitably lead to imperialist 
wars. The capitalists divide the 
world, not out of personal malice, or 
because of so-called ideological anti- 
pathies, but because the degree of 
capital concentration which has been 
reached forces them to adopt this 
method. They partition and divide 
the world "in proportion to 
strength." There cannot be any 
other method of division under the 
system of commodity production and 

The Twentieth National Conven- 
tion of the Socialist Labor Party of 
America, in session in the City of 
New York, April 29, 1940, declares 
that the war now raging in Europe 
between Nazi Germany and the 
Anglo-French powers is an imperial- 
ist war. 

Nazi Germany, through the mouth 
of the frenetic spokesman for Ger- 
man imperialism, has openly avowed 
that Germany must trade or fight. 
But the aims of the Nazi plunder- 
bund, grown powerful through mer- 
ciless exploitation of the German 
working class, are blocked by the 
(Franco-British Empires. 

On the other hand, the Franco- 
British imperialists cannot tolerate 
the challenge to their supremacy. If 
their vile collaboration with the Na- 
zis in the subjugation and annexa- 
tion of neighboring states seems to 
dispute this, let it be recalled that 
their fear of the working class at 
home, as well as their military un- 
preparedness, and, finally, the hope 
that Germany would embroil itself 
in a war with Soviet Russia, were 
the factors which led to the dis- 
graceful Munich capitulation. 

Abundant evidence is at hand 
which gives the lie to the claim that 

the Allied Powers fight for any cause 
other than their own imperialist in- 
terests. The fact that Franco-Brit- 
ish imperialists aided in the rise to 
power of the degenerate Nazis belies 
their present simulated hatred of 
Hitlerism ; Franco-British imperial- 
ists delivered Ethiopia^ Spain, Aus- 
tria, Czechoslovakia and Albania 
over to the Fascist hordes, thus 
branding as monstrous hypocrisy the 
canard that this is a war to preserve 
the integrity of small nations ; Brit- 
ish imperialists, by brazenly break- 
ing their pledged word to the people 
of India and the Jews in Palestine, 
thus making a travesty of treaties, 
themselves give the lie to the unctu- 
ous claim that they fight for adher- 
ence to the terms of treaties ; finally, 
the tyrannous subjugation of colo- 
nial peoples by Franco-British im- 
perialists and the virtual dictator- 
ships established over the workers 
at home under the pretext of "war 
effort" dispute the plea that they are 
engaged in a crusade for personal 

In view of the indisputable evi- 
dence which places both belligerents 
in the imperialist category, as na- 
tions ruled by the exploiters of the 
useful producers ; be it — 

Resolved, That it is the duty of 
the proletarians, and especially of 
all parties subscribing to the prin- 
ciples of International Socialism, to 
oppose with all their might the ex- 
tension of the war, and all self-seek- 
ing intervention which would spread 
the conflagration and enlarge the 
area of hostilities; and be it further 

Resolved, That it is the solemn 
duty of all proletarians to hasten the 
advent of Socialism, which alone can 
establish a lasting and amicable or- 
der of things in international rela- 


tions, now delivered over to capital 
ist anarchy, imperialist rivalry, and 
to the furies of Jingoism; and be il 

Resolved, That, in accordance with 
the Marxian principle that even 
working class must consummate I 111 
revolution to Socialism in its own 
country, we call upon the working 
class of America to avert the ini 
pending involvement of America in 
the European War by organizing po 
litically to demand the abolition of 
private ownership, the cause of in) 
pcrialist war, and into a mighty, in 
tegral, Socialist Industrial Union to 
enforce the collective mandate. I'.\ 
organizing for the abolition of wage 
slavery alone can the American 
working class serve notice that il 
will not be hurled into this stupid 
and sanguinary conflict of capital isl 

Resolution on the U.S.S.R. 

The irrepressible national and in 
ternational class struggle bet wee i 
the owning class and the working 
class is a fact the denial of whirl 
by any group or party ipso facto re- 
moves that group, whatever its S< 
cialist pretensions, from the Intern* 
tional Marxist Movement, and :rro« 
spective of the manner of the denial 
— that is, whether by denial it 
words, or by acts, such as, for it 
stance, entering into alliances will 
imperialist and fascist powers. 

The emancipation of the workinj 
class must, and can only, be llu- 
classconscious act of the workinl 
class itself. It can no more result 
from the benevolent act of anollni 

class within a nation than it can be 
imposed by force from without upon 
one nation by another. In the words 
of the founders of International So- 
cialism: "The proletariat of each 
country must, of course, first of all 
settle matters with its own bour- 

We hold these to be basic and in- 
violate Socialist truths, and abso- 
lutely binding upon all who profess 
adherence to the cause of the Inter- 
national Proletariat and the prin- 
ciples of Marxian Socialism. 

Soviet Russia, under the treacher- 
ous bureaucratic dictatorship of Jo- 
seph Stalin and his myrmidons, has, 
in the light of these truths, repudi- 
ated every vestige of claim to being 
either the leader of, or inspiration 
for, the international movement for 
working class emancipation. 

Through its alliance with the most 
degenerate representative of interna- 
tional capitalism, Nazi Germany, it 
has become, ipso facto, the accom- 
plice of Nazi Germany. We declare, 
moreover, that on the basis of the 
record and the facts, the pact Stalin- 
ist Russia entered into with Nazi 
Germany became the signal for com- 
mencing the European War and that, 
in so doing, Stalinist Russia for- 
feited all claim to being a force for 
international peace. 

In the annexation of Eastern Po- 
land in conjunction with its Nazi 
mentors, and especially in the inva- 
sion of Finland in violation of sol- 
emn treaties and on the flimsy pre- 
texts (a) that Finland harbored the 
incredible dream of expansion to the 
Urals and (b) that Finnish workers 
and peasants had appealed to the 
Red Army to ''liberate" them — by, 
in other words, adopting in toto the 
barbarous methods of Nazism, Stal- 

inist Russia has committed a crime 
without parallel in the annals of So- 

The subsequent "peace" imposed 
on Finland, after the sacrifice of tens 
of thousands of Russian and Finnish 
lives, laid bare the hypocrisy and 
mendacity of these pretexts and ex- 
posed Stalinist Russia's invasion as 
an act of naked aggression with the 
object of acquiring territory and 
military bases. 

In the light of the foregoing facts, 
the Socialist Labor Party of Amer- 
ica, in National Convention assem- 
bled, in the City of New York, 
April 29, 1940, withdraws its hereto- 
fore extended recognition of the 
present regime in Soviet Russia as 
Marxist, and declares its conviction 
that the Stalinist bureaucracy has in 
fact, if not in words, repudiated 
Marxism, disrupted international 
working class solidarity, and crimi- 
nally betrayed the cause of the world 
proletariat, and in particular be- 
trayed the Russian workers who are 
being misled into a support of the 
imperialist adventures and power 
politics generally of the said Stalin- 
ist bureaucracy. Wherefore be it 

Resolved, That we extend revolu- 
tionary greetings to the workers in 
Russia and express the hope that be- 
fore long they will replace the pres- 
ent anti-Marxist policy of its govern- 
ment with the genuine Marxist pol- 
icy and principles upheld by Lenin, 
and the great proletarian leaders of 
the past, so shamefully betrayed by 
Joseph Stalin and his cohorts in 
Russia and in the various capitalist 
countries; and be it further 

Resolved, That, despite the virtual 
abolition of individual private prop- 
erty within Stalinist Russia, all hope 
that the U.S.S.R. would, by exam- 

pie, serve to inspire and to that ex- 
tent hasten the world proletarian 
revolution has no longer any basis; 
and be it finally 

Resolved, That we denounce as 
anti-Marxist and anti-working class 
all those groups and individuals 
infesting the working class move- 
ment in America, who applaud these 
unparalleled crimes. 


Resolution on International 

There is in the world today no in- 
ternational Socialist organization 
worthy of the name. 

The moribund Second Interna- 
tional, which succumbed to national- 
ism during the First World War, 
thereby violating the very essence of 
internationalism, exists as a mere 
auxiliary of capitalism. Its main 
"pillar," the German Social Democ- 
racy, has been swept away, a victim 
of its own treachery. Such lesser 
"pillars" as remain, the Socialist 
party of France, the British Labor 
party, etc., are indistinguishable in 
their actions and declarations from 
the so-called "liberal" parties of the 
bourgeoisie. Wherever they have 
achieved power, as in France, Eng- 
land, Denmark, Norway, etc., they 
have administered the affairs of the 
bourgeoisie, betrayed and sold out 
the workers, preached and practised 
the iniquitous policy of class peace, 
and left the toilers in bewilderment 
and despair. As the Social Demo- 
crats disarmed the workers and 
paved the way for the Fascist on- 
slaught in Italy, Austria, and Ger- 

many, so do the remaining Sociij 
Democracies prepare the workers 01 
their respective countries for indus- 
trial feudal bondage. In the present 
war they play the same shameful, 
chauvinistic role played a quarter of 
a century ago, out j ingoing capita I [fj 
jingoes. Corrupt, opportunistic, HI 
tionalistic to the core, the affiliates 
of the so-called Second International 
are enemies of Socialism and de- 
serve the scorn and contempt of tlm 
international working class. 

The so-called Third International 
is, in fact, an adjunct of the foreign 
office of the U.S.S.R. Its policies 
are dictated, not by the principles 
of the international class struggle of 
the proletariat, but by the national 
interests of Stalinist Russia. In its 
crazily careening career, it has 
trampled upon every Marxian prin 
ciple, collaborating with the enemy 
as unblushingly as the Second Inter- 
national. Today it stands in the 
unique position of tacitly supporting 
the most ruthless representative of 
degenerate capitalism and barbarous 
enemy of working class emancipa- 
tion, Nazi Germany. Because its af- 
filiates lack the independence to 
hold, or even propose, divergent 
views, the Third International is 
nothing but a tool of the Stalinist 
bureaucracy and is the unblushing 
partner in the loathsome crimes com- 
mitted by that autocratic bureau- 

Last, the so-called Fourth Inter- 
national is the creature of Leon 
Trotsky. Existing largely on paper, 
the • so-called Fourth International 
repudiates the fundamental Marxian 
principle that the social and eco- 
nomic topography of the land deter- 
mines the tactics of the Socialist 
movement and exhibits the same de- 

(jrading Machiavellian opportunism, 
mid tendency to collaborate with the 
enemy, present in the Third Inter- 
nal ional which spawned it. 

The Socialist Labor Party, in Na- 
lional Convention assembled in the 
City of New York, April 29, 1940, 
reaffirms its allegiance to the prin- 
ciples of International Socialism as 
laid down by Marx and Engels, and 
reiterates its clear-cut adherence to 
the international class struggle prin- 
eiiple as enunciated by Daniel De 
Leon, and previous resolutions 
adopted by National Conventions of 
I lie Party and endorsed by its mem- 
he r ship. Therefore, be it 

Resolved, That the Socialist La- 
bor Party continue to hold itself 
aloof from, and to condemn, the eor- 
i upt, opportunistic and class-collabo- 
rating so-called internationals which 
now exist; and be it further 

Resolved, That we maintain this 
position until such a time as the or- 
ganization of a bona fide Marxian in- 
ternational is possible and feasible; 
and be it finally 

Resolved, That we take this op- 
portunity to extend the hand of 
fraternal relationship to the Social- 
ist Labor Parties of Great Britain, 
Australia and Canada, now laboring 
valiantly to advance the cause of In- 
ternational Socialism under the ad- 
verse conditions of war. 



Resolution on Unemploy- 

In 1933 President Franklin Dela- 
no Roosevelt said, "No country, how- 
ever rich, can afford to waste its 
human resources. Demoralization 
caused by vast unemployment is our 


greatest extravagance. Morally, it is 
the greatest menace to our social or- 
der As for this country, I 

stand or fall by my refusal to accept 
as a necessary condition of our fu- 
ture a permanent army of the un- 

Brave words, but like fire under 
an empty kettle. The New Deal 
had no solution to the problem of 
unemployment and has no solution 
today. One of its leading exponents, 
Harry Hopkins^ declared May 23, 
1937, that "it may be theoretically 
possible that unemployment may 
some day no longer have a place in 
our economic picture, but," he added, 
"that day won't happen in your life- 
time or mine." 

The New Deal cannot solve the 
problem for the reason that the 
problem is insoluble within the 
framework of capitalism. The eco- 
nomic laws operating under capital- 
ism compel each individual capitalist 
enterprise to adopt the newest and 
best labor-saving (labor-displacing) 
machinery and methods to survive 
the competitive struggle. As a result, 
tens of thousands of workers in all 
industries are thrown annually upon 
the industrial scrap-heap to exist on 
the pittance of a dole. The fantastic 
argument that machines "make 
jobs," thoroughly discredited by 
facts recently published by the Na- 
tional Resources Committee, as well 
as by the overwhelming evidence 
which daily meets the eye, reveals 
the fear and desperation of the cap- 
italist class. 

In addition to those toilers dis- 
placed by technological improve- 
ments, nearly half a million new 
wage slaves are annually thrown on 
the labor market through the in- 
crease in population. 

In the face of this persistent prob- 
lem and plagued by the fear that the 
patience of the workers will one day 
be exhausted^ the employing class 
gratefully turns to a war economy 
for a "solution." After having de- 
nounced as seekers after "fool's 
gold" those who would profit from 
traffic in arms, the President, on 
September 21, 1939, declared in con- 
nection with amendments to the so- 
called Neutrality Act: "From a 
purely material point of view what 
is the advantage to us in sending all 
manner of articles across the ocean 
for final processing there when we 
could give employment to thousands 
by doing it here?" 

Thus do the most eminent spokes- 
men for capitalism confess their in- 
ability to cope with the problem. Is 
it any wonder, then, that the ruling 
class callously toys with the idea of 
war and wholesale slaughter as a 
"solution" to unemployment? 

In the light of the foregoing facts 
and the stark, indisputable fact of 
ten or twelve million perrruanently 
unemployed; be it 

Resolved, That the Socialist La- 
bor Party, at its Twentieth National 
Convention, in New York City, 
April 29, 1940, calls upon the work- 
ing class to face the problem square- 
ly and organize to abolish the bane- 
ful conditions of decadent capitalism 
by reconstructing society along So- 
cialist lines so that machines may be- 
come the blessing they should be in- 
stead of the curse they are today; 
and be it further 

Resolved, That we denounce as 
cruel deceptions such futile schemes 
as are advanced by the C.I.O., A. F. 
of L., New Deal and similar agen- 
cies of capitalism, which promise to 
solve unemployment, but which only 

succeed in diverting the attention of 
the workers from the real solution, 
viz v the abolition of capitalism. 


Resolution on the Economic 
Organization of Labor. 

The Twentieth National Conven- 
tion of the Socialist Labor Party of 
America, in session in the City of 
New York, April 29, 1940, reaffirms 
its previous stand on the question 
of the economic organization of la- 
bor and declares: 

The integrally organized indus 
trial organization of the working 
class forms the necessary framework 
of the Socialist Industrial Republic 
of Labor, and constitutes the organ 
ic form of the Socialist Adminislr.i 
tive powers of the Republic: 

The economic organization, or So 
cialist Industrial Union, is^ more 
over, the revolutionary force where 
by the working class, on the occasion 
of its victory at the polls, can take 
physical possession of, hold and o]» 
erate, the factories, mills, mines and 
other means of social production, 
thus assuring the triumph of the So 
cialist Revolution and frustrating a 
conceivable "pro-slavery" rebellion 
on the part of the outvoted capita] 
ist class: 

The present so-called unions viz., 
the American Federation of Labofj 
Congress of Industrial Organization . 
and kindred organizations, are dfl 
signed to perpetuate the wages sy.s 
tern. Based on the fatuous precept! 
of "brotherhood between capital and 
labor," they dull the edge of tlio 
class struggle with devious device*, 

• iicli as collective bargaining and se- 

Such pro-capitalist organizations, 
far from serving the interests of the 
working class, are veritable job 
I rusts in the complete control of a 
junta of labor fakers. Such unions 
effect innumerable divisions within 
labor's ranks and are totally incom- 
petent to prevent or slow up the 
steady retreat to industrial serfdom. 
Therefore, be it 

Resiolved, That the movement for 
working class emancipation needs 
both a political and economic organ- 
ization, the former to agitate., edu- 
cate and conduct the struggle for the 
conquest of the capitalist-controlled 
Political State upon the civilized 
plane of the ballot; the latter to 
hack up the Socialist ballot with an 
invincible force, a force essential for 
I lie lockout of the capitalist class; 
and be it further 

Resolved, That we hasten with all 
our effort the formation of the So- 
cialist Industrial Union to accom- 
plish the Socialist reconstruction be- 
fore the reaction now gathering 
plunges society into a new Dark 
Ages of perpetual war and indus- 
trial feudalism; and be it finally 

Resolved, That we denounce and 
expose pro-capitalist unionism as an 
instrument to bridle and mulct the 
working class, lead it into the capi- 
talist political shambles and prevent 
it from uniting on its class interests 
for the abolition of wage slavery. 


Resolution on Civil Liberties. 

One hundred and fifty years ago 
John Curran uttered the warning: 
"The condition upon which God has 

given liberty to man is eternal 

With no illusions concerning the 
origin of such personal liberties as 
are possessed by American workers; 
with the full knowledge that they 
were wrested from tyranny at the 
toll of rivers of blood; and in full 
consciousness that such liberties tend 
to become hollow mockeries in the 
measure that the system of capitalist 
class rule degenerates, the Socialist 
Labor Party, in National Conven- 
tion assembled in the City of New 
York, April 29, 1940, declares: 

All history demonstrates that gen- 
eral assaults upon the citadel of civil 
liberties are preceded by repeated 
forays and flank attacks. The plan 
is to weary the people until they can 
no longer arouse spirit for defense. 
Such a plan is in operation today. 

In state legislatures throughout 
the land bills have been submitted 
and furtively passed without debate 
or publicity which raise insurmount- 
able barriers to placing the candi- 
dates of minority parties on the bal- 
lots. Their wording is so suspici- 
ously similar and the manner in 
which they are passed is so uniform- 
ly stealthy as to leave little doubt of 
the existence of a concerted and co- 
ordinated conspiracy. 

In state and national legislatures 
a veritable anti-alien hysteria has 
been in progress for more than a 
year. Alien deportation bills, pro- 
posals for fingerprinting aliens and 
establishing concentration camps for 
undeportable aliens, and bills which 
aim to introduce the hated European 
system of internal passports recall 
vividly the post-World War alien- 
and spy-hunts in which the rights of 
citizens and aliens alike were ruth- 
lessly trampled on. 


The sinister reestablishment of the 
General Intelligence Bureau (anti- 
alien squad) of the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation, by special order of 
the President, also recalls the malod- 
orous regime of A. Mitchell Palmer. 
This bureau possesses all the ear- 
marks of a nascent Nazi Gestapo or 
a Russian Ogpu. We declare that, 
whatever the avowed purpose of this 
bureau, its real purpose is to harass 
individuals and minority groups who 
hold divergent political views, thus 
creating in America the hateful nrae- 
tice of punishing people for mere 

Not furtively, but with vulgar os- 
tentation, the Congressional Commit- 
tee to Investigate Un-American Ac- 
tivities, popularly known as the 
Dies Committee, rides roughshod 
over the elementary rights of the 
people. For these brazen and 
shameless encroachments Congress 
shares the blame. Indeed, one of the 
most ominous aspects of the Dies in- 
vestigation is the almost unanimous 
support given it by Congress. Em- 
boldened by this support, the Dies 
Committee has recently committed 
the most outrageous offenses against 
the Bill of Rights (conducting 
search and seizure raids in con- 
temptuous disregard of law and civil 
liberties). These offenses, we de- 
clare, are all the more contemptible 
in view of the arrogant and insolent 
attempts at justification by the com- 
mittee's chairman, Martin Dies. 

Although the activities of this 
committee are now directed at in- 
dividuals and groups which are al- 
legedly agents of foreign powers or 
organizations, the non-publicized en- 
abling act of Congress under which 
it operates is sufficiently broad to 
include all organizations which fail 

to conform to Mr. Dies's conception 
of society. Specifically this enabling 
act provides for the investigation of 
propaganda "of domestic origin" 
which "attacks the principle of the 
form of government as guaranteed 
by our Constitution." 

We hold that this portion of the 
enabling act is, itself, a subversion 
of the Constitution, and an effort to 
reintroduce despotism in the folds of 
the flag. The present "form" of 
government is not guaranteed by the 
Constitution. The very essence of 
the Constitution, and the feature 
which made of it a revolutionary 
document, is that it provides the 
means for peaceably altering and 
changing the form of government. 
Nothing today need be feared so 
much by liberty-loving people as the 
subversion of this fundamental fea- 
ture of our American Constitution. 

In the light of the aforementioned 
encroachments on our civil liberties, 
and innumerable additional en- 
croachments unmentioned, but known 
to all ; be it 

Resolved, That we denounce as 
crassly reactionary and contrary to 
the spirit and word of the Constitu- 
tion and that prior document, which 
is, in effect, its preamble, the De- 
claration of Independence, the sinis- 
ter actions of State and National 
Legislatures, F.B.I., Dies Committee 
and other governmental and non- 
governmental bodies engaged in re- 
stricting the ballot and in paring 
away the Bill of Rights; and be it, 

Remlved, That we call upon the 
American working class to put he 
yond the reach of subversive, reac- 
tionary ruling class elements those 
preeious rights and liberties guaran- 
teed in the Bill of Rights by over- 

Mi rowing capitalist class rule by the 
peaceful means of the ballot backed 
Up by their integral Socialist Indus- 
trial Unions. 



Resolution on the National 

Association of Broadcasters 


Article One of our Bill of Rights 
ileclares: "Congress shall make no 
law abridging the freedom of 
speech " 

What Congress cannot do, a group 
of irresponsible capitalists control- 
ling one of the major avenues for 
public expression has done ! In the 
^uise of "regulation," the National 
Association of Broadcasters has 
adopted a Code which constitutes in 
fact a form of censorship and an 
abridgment of freedom of speech. 

The Twentieth National Conven- 
tion of the Socialist Labor Party in 
the City of New York, April 29, 
1940, holding that the liberties guar- 
anteed by the Bill of Rights are 
rights and not privileges, declares: 

That the National Association of 
Broadcasters, in adopting a Code 
which proscribes the sale of broad- 
casting time "for the presentation of 
controversial issues .... except politi- 
cal broadcasts"^which it defines as 
"broadcasts in connection with a po- 
litical campaign in behalf of or 
against the candidacy of a legally 
qualified candidate for nomination or 
election to public office, etc." — has 
usurped power not even granted to 
the responsible legislative bodies of 
the land. 

Its hypocritical defense of this 


code, to wit, that "free time" is al- 
located for the discussion of "contro- 
versial issues" and that individuals 
and organizations which cannot af- 
ford to buy time now have equal op- 
portunity for expression, we declare, 
is pure cant. Proof of this lies in 
the indisputable fact that broadcast- 
ing time is given and sold freely to 
individuals and groups presenting 
the employers' point of view on 
divers social questions, while the So- 
cialist Labor Party is repeatedly de- 
nied both free time and the opportu- 
nity to purchase time to present the 
Marxian viewpoint. The attitude as- 
sumed by the National Broadcasters 
that the views upholding the present 
form of government and system of 
private ownership are not controver- 
sial while the views which challenge 
the present form of government and 
system of private ownership are con- 
troversial is characteristic of en- 
trenched ruling classes, and reveals 
the biased, subversive character of 
the Code. 

The Socialist Labor Party has, 
since the Code went into effect, been 
barred from radio stations which for- 
merly sold time to the Party freely 
for the open discussion of grave 
problems and the presentation of a 
program for their solution. We de- 
clare that, in barring the Socialist 
Labor Party, the National Associa- 
tion of Broadcasters has done more 
than abridge the rights of one mi- 
nority party. It has infringed on a 
basic and fundamental American 
freedom. No law authorized its ac- 
tion; no Constitution sanctioned it; 
no election ratified it. Therefore, be 

Resolved, That the Socialist Labor 
Party denounces the N.A.B. Code 
proscribing the sale of broadcasting 

time for the discussion of "contro- 
versial issues," as high-handed, irre- 
sponsible censorship, not unlike that 
prevailing in totalitarian nations; 
and be it further 

Resolved, That we expose to the 
pitiless scorn of freedom-loving peo- 
ple the hypocritical and viciously re- 
actionary character of this censor- 
ship and proscription; and be it fi- 

Resolved, That we explore every 
avenue for lawful redress, while si- 
multaneously urging the working 
class to organize politically and in- 
dustrially to take over the means of 
social production (including all 
broadcasting facilities) and place 
our liberties in the safekeeping of 
the people united under the Indus- 
trial Republic of Emancipated La- 

Declaration on Strikes. 

[The National 'Convention direct- 
ed the National Executive Commit- 
tee of the Party to prepare and issue 
a declaration on strikes clarifying 
and summarizing the Party's atti- 
tude on same. The following was 
adopted by the N.E.C. in keeping 
with the instructions of the conven- 
tion, hence its incorporation in these 
published proceedings of the Na- 
tional Convention of 1940..] 

1. The Socialist Labor Party de- 
clares that strikes by workers under 
capitalism constitute the logical and 
unavoidable reactions on the part of 
the workers to the inhuman and un- 
bearable conditions imposed upon 
them by a social system (capitalism) 
which places the workers in the 

category of commodities, and which 
accords them as wage slaves a treat- 
ment economically not essentially 
different from that accorded the 
chattel slave or serf. Driven by the 
lash of hunger; subdued largely by 
the thought of the privations visited 
upon their loved ones if they refuse 
to submit to being exploited, but 
goaded finally to rebellion by the ut- 
ter misery and degradation to which 
they and their families are eventually 
reduced, it is inevitable that they 
should strike back at their exploit- 
ers, however blindly, and however 
mistaken they may be in their man- 
ner of striking back. 

While reserving the right to criti- 
cize the inadequacy of the methods 
employed by the workers in seeking 
redress on the economic field, the 
Socialist Labor Party applauds the 
spirit which prompts the workers to 
strike against the inhuman wage 
slavery under which they suffer, and, 
reaffirming its previous resolutions 
and declarations on this head, 
pledges itself to the support of strik- 
ing workers in any manner consis- 
tent with the principles and ultimate 
aim of the Party. In so doing we 
also reaffirm our acceptance of the 
statement by Daniel De Leon in his 
immortal address, "What Means 
This Strike," to wit: 

"The attitude of workingmen en- 
gaged in a bona fide strike is an in- 
spiring one. It is an earnest that 
slavery will not prevail. The slave 
alone who will not rise against his 
master, who will meekly bend his 
back to the lash and turn his cheek 
to him who plucks his beard — that 
slave alone is hopeless. But the 
slave who. . . .persists, despite fail- 
ures and poverty, in rebelling, there 
is always hope for," 

2. The Socialist Labor Party, ers may achieve, are secured either at 

liowever, warns the workers of 
America that strikes in and by them- 
selves cannot solve their problems, 
let alone abolish the cause which cre- 
ates these problems, namely, the cap- 
italist system. We emphasize that 
however understandable is their re- 
sort to strikes and related activities, 
such efforts and attempts at ame- 
liorating their lot must prove futile 
while the capitalist system of private 
ownership in the land and the means 
of production prevails. As the great 
champion of the working class, Karl 
Marx, once said: 

"....the general tendency of 
capitalist production is not to raise, 
but to sink the average standard of 
wages or to push the value of labor 
more or less to its minimum limit. 
Such being the tendency of things 
in this system, is this saying that 
the working class ought to renounce 
their resistance against the en- 
croachments of capital, and aban- 
don their attempts at making the 
best of the occasional chances for 
their temporary improvement? If 
they did, they would be degraded 
to one level mass of broken 

wretches past salvation The 

necessity of debating their price 
with the capitalist is inherent to 
their [the workers'] condition of 
having to sell themselves as com- 
modities. By cowardly giving way 
in their everyday conflict with cap- 
ital, they would certainly disqualify 
themselves for the initiating of any 
larger movement." 

While the workers are wage slaves 
under capitalism, their condition is 
bound to grow worse and worse, and, 
whatever incidental improvements or 
increases in wages groups of work- 

the expense of the working class as 
a whole, or because of a temporary 
condition which happens to favor 
such groups of workers economical- 
ly. Nevertheless, and notwithstand- 
ing the facts referred to, the work- 
ers must resist the encroachments of 
their capitalist exploiters, and 
through their day-by-day struggles 
seek at least to maintain the prevail- 
ing working conditions where these 
cannot be improved. 

3. The Socialist Labor Party 
points to the fact that capitalism 
fatedly creates conditions which 
render the lot of the workers ever 
more precarious and insecure. The 
Party also points to the fact that at- 
tempts at this stage at bettering 
their lot through legislative enact- 
ments can result in nothing but the 
fastening of the chains of wage slav- 
ery upon them ever more firmly and 
securely, while at the same time such 
legislative enactments in effect con- 
stitute certification of their slavery, 
and amount, in fact, to a codification 
of the terms of this slavery, besides 
accelerating the tendencies, and con- 
solidating the social and economic 
forces, which, barring Socialism, 
must inevitably lead to absolute eco- 
nomic serfdom. The Socialist La- 
bor Party, accordingly, heeding the 
words, and acting in the spirit of 
labor's great champions, Karl Marx 
and Daniel De Leon, urges the 
working class of America to organize 
into class unions to the end of doing 
away with the causes which now re- 
duce them to the status of wage 
slaves, and which inescapably block 
their every attempt, to throw off the 
yoke of this degrading and intoler- 
able slavery. The primary cause is 
capitalism, but among the subsidiary 



causes Stand out prominently the 
outworn craft unions and the reac- 
tionary, so-called mass-organizations 
known as the C.I.O., and kindred 
bodies. And last, but not least, there 
stand as enemies of labor's emanci- 
pation from virtual economic serf- 
dom the corrupt labor leaders. 
Whether these are of the A. F. of L. 
or C.I.O. variety matters not at all. 
While on the political field there 
stand prominently as labor's enemies 
the political reformers and vision- 
aries who fraudulently claim to be 
Bible to effect improvement of the 
lot of the working class under capi- 
talism through the mere enactment 
of laws, even as the so-called labor 
leaders falsely claim to be able to 
do so on the economic field. 

To develop the requisite power 
with which to resist the encroach- 
ments of their capitalist exploiters, 
and eventually to effect their eman- 
cipation, the workers must organize 
into Socialist Industrial Unions, 
thoroughly integrated, prepared to 
take, hold and operate the industries 
when through the ballot a majority 
shall have decreed the abolition of 
capitalism, and the inauguration of 
the Socialist Republic of Labor. 

4. Being unable to furnish em- 
ployment to millions of workers, and 
fearing the consequences of these 
millions getting out of control and 
taking matters into their own hands, 
the capitalist class, through their po- 
litical puppets in national and state 
governments, have been compelled to 
dole out relief, so-called, to the 
starving j obless workers, though con- 
stantly seeking to keep down to its 
lowest level, or to reduce to such 
level, the pittance which they other- 
wise find themselves compelled to 
hand out. The Socialist Labor Par- 

ty warns the workers not to barter 
their manhood, or their political 
rights, privileges and prerogatives as 
Citizens, for such miserable doles. 
While under the circumstances the 
workers are compelled to, and natu- 
rally ought to, accept such so-called 
"reliefs," we warn them not to re- 
gard such "relief" as either gifts or 
as measures leading to permanent 
improvement of their condition. 
Where such "relief" is not absolutely 
prompted by their capitalist masters' 
mortal fear of working class rebel- 
lion, they are intended as bribes by 
scheming and corrupt or reactionary 
politicians. "Relief," then, should 
obviously be accepted by the work- 
ers as the very least they are entitled 
to as victims of a social system 
w r hose beneficiaries live on the 
wealth produced solely by the work- 
ing class. 

5. To sum up. While, there- 
fore, the members of the Socialist 
Labor Party must never fail to ex- 
plain to the workers the ultimate 
futility of all attempts made by them 
to better their conditions under cap- 
italism, and while Socialist Labor 
Party members must constantly 
point out to the workers that there 
is no hope for them except through 
a speedy overthrow of capitalism 
and all its works, on the basis of 
the program and principles of the 
Socialist Labor Party, no member of 
the Party should belittle or under- 
estimate the social significance of 
strikes and similar manifestations of 
working class rebellion, for the rea- 
sons stated before, and on the prin- 
ciple, moreover, that a contented or 
submissive slave is a degraded and 
all but hopeless creature. While it 
is not the function of S.L.P. mem- 
bers to encourage workers to strike 

under the prevailing circumstances, 
it is their duty to encourage and 
stimulate the spirit and the senti- 
ment which prompt the workers to 
strike, and they should also at the 
same time attempt to direct that sen- 
timent into revolutionary channels 
via Socialist political and economic 
organizations, on the lines laid down 
by the Socialist Labor Party. 


Speech of Acceptance of 
John W. Aiken 

So\cikili : si Laibor Party Candidate fW 
President of the United States 

It is, of course, no mean distinc- 
tion and honor to be the Presidential 
candidate of the Socialist Labor 
Party and, of course, by the same 
token it implies that that Presiden- 
tial candidate must be prepared to 
undertake the rigors of an extensive 
tour throughout the country. But 
not only in this respect is the re- 
sponsibility great. I believe that un- 
der the circumstances prevailing to- 
day the Socialist Labor Party is 
faced with greater tasks than ever 
faced it before, because we are liv- 
ing at the most crucial moment in 
the history of capitalism. We are 
living at a time when the capitalist 
system faces complete bankruptcy 
and collapse. As a matter of fact, 
since it has been my pleasure to be 
standard-bearer for the Socialist 
Labor Party, since 1932, and since 
it has been my fortune, too, more or 
less to represent the Socialist Labor 
Party and spread its program, inter- 
pret events as they have arisen in 
that period during campaigns, I can 


readily see now that throughout 
these twelve years the National Con- 
ventions of the Socialist Labor Par- 
ty have catalogued the decline of 

Those who are curious enough 
might examine the proceedings of 
each National Convention during 
this period, examining its pronounce- 
ments on events, and they will be- 
come convinced that the analysis of 
the Socialist Labor Party through- 
out this period has been a correct 
one, and that its position throughout 
this period has been thoroughly vin- 
dicated by the course of events. 

And so at this moment, too, there 
is no longer, I think, any question 
in the minds of intelligent people 
that the capitalist system is incapa- 
ble of maintaining that measure of 
stability which would guarantee the 
working class of the nation a modi- 
cum of security. 

I think that the proof is conclu- 
sive now that none of the political 
parties of capitalism can do any- 
thing to restore the so-called pros- 
perity of other days, when, to some 
extent at least, workers were as- 
sured some sort of income from pri- 
vate industry. But now, after some 
seven years of political experimenta- 
tion in Washington, the utter bank- 
ruptcy of the capitalist politicians 
and political parties and their inabil- 
ity to do anything about this ever 
deepening economic crisis are plain. 

We can say, today, that the old- 
line Republican and Democratic par- 
ties have reached that point where 
there no longer exist any differences 
between them such as had existed 
historically; today they are identical 
as is apparent from the statements 
made by their representatives. This 
is apparent from the campaign mate- 

rial that is being put out by both 
those parties. That is of signifi- 
cance to us because this bankruptcy 
of the old-line political parties af- 
fords the opportunity for the Social- 
ist Labor Party more easily to im- 
press its philosophy and program 
upon the minds of the American 
working class. 

The times are ripe. Certainly, 
looking at conditions throughout so- 
ciety today, any one must be con- 
vinced that the working class has no 
other source to turn to for light and 
understanding, for the solution of 
this problem that faces them, than 
the Socialist Labor Party. 

As to all the other so-called radi- 
cal parties — they too have demon- 
strated an incapacity to appreciate 
and analyze the nature and prob- 
lems that confront the working class 

The Socialist party has, I think, 
convinced every serious and intel- 
ligent student of political and eco- 
nomic history — those, I mean, who 
understand the nature of capitalism 
and the causes which have brought 
about the present situation. To them, 
I think, it is apparent that the So- 
cialist party has gone by the board. 
Examining the statements of its can- 
didate for President I have been 
amazed at the utter bankruptcy and 
the utter incapacity to properly 
analyze the economic problems con- 
fronting the people of this country 
today. And what is of still more 
importance is that he and the party 
he represents do not, in fact, stand 
for a true Socialist program. It is 
almost impossible to distinguish be- 
tween the S.P. and the regular capi- 
talist parties. The Socialist party 
is essentially a party of petty capi- 
talist reform. 

The Communist party, in turn, has 
become thoroughly discredited in the 
eyes of every intelligent worker 
through its support of the Nazis, and 
its vacillating policies on war, de- 
mocracy, revolution, and many other 
questions. For that matter, double 
dealing and duplicity have character 
ized its entire history. Communist 
party leaders advance as an argu 
ment in support of their shifting 
policies that they adjust their pro 
gram to changing objective condi 
tions, but actually the only tilings 
that have changed each time have 
been the calendar and their own 
minds. Such brazen conduct can 
never inspire in the workers that re 
spect and confidence which is essen 
tial for the success of a revolution 
ary workers' party. 

Meanwhile, the capitalist system 
goes merrily on to utter collapse. 
The productive forces of capitalist 
society have in many European coun- 
tries burst asunder the democratic 
forms which formerly held govern- 
ments together, and ruthless dicta- 
torships directed against the workers 
are now in power. But even dictator- 
ship cannot long preserve the insti- 
tution of private property. 

It is ridiculous to take the atti- 
tude, as many do, that fascism is 
merely a psychological manifesta- 
tion of the egotism of some indivi- 
dual or group. On the contrary, fas 
cism has its roots in society. Let us 
never forget that it was the indus- 
trial leaders of Germany who fi 
nanced and in other ways supported 
Hitler in his rise to power. Decadent 
and putrescent capitalism is the soil 
from which spring the Hitlers. For 
that reason, if the circumstances jus 
tified it, the same thing would In 


done by the ruling class of the 
United States. 

Unless the working class organ- 
izes in accordance with the teachings 
of the Socialist Labor Party, then, 
indeed, the workers will *all under 
the iron heel of despotism. Our 
Party alone offers to the workers 
hope, guidance and correct organiza- 
tional principles. 

We must make special efforts, to a 
greater extent than ever before, to 
reach the workers with our program 
of revolutionary Industrial Unionism 
which is the only safeguard against 
war and reaction. 

This is the task to which we of 
the Socialist Labor Party must de- 
vote ourselves in this campaign. In 
the measure that we are successful 
in reaching the million mass with 
this message of emancipation, in that 
measure shall we have laid the 
groundwork for the building of that 
Industrial. Union for which the Par- 
ty has striven unceasingly for many 


Speech of Acceptance of 

Aaron M. Orange 

Saicialist I^abch* Painty Candidate fpf 
Viae President of the United Staties 

Comrade chairman, comrade dele- 
gates, members and friends: I am 
reminded of an observation, one 
made by Carl Sandburg: "Look out 
how you use proud words. When you 
let proud words go, it is not easy to 
call them back." 

However, I intend to take the risk, 
for I have some proud words on the 
tip of my tongue and I do not in- 
tend calling these proud words back. 

I am proud of being a member of 
the Socialist Labor Party whose sci- 
entific program, based on the prin- 
ciples of Marx and De Leon, is the 
only one worthy the serious consid- 
eration of the working class of the 
United States of America. I am 
proud of accepting the nomination 
for Vice President of the United 
States, and thus serving as mouth- 
piece of the organization in this Na- 
tional Campaign of 1940. I pledge 
to give my all — time, resources, en- 
ergy — to the end that the Party's 
message be spread among the work- 
ers of America. I consider this the 
most serious responsibility that I 
have yet assumed in my young life 
and I hope that your confidence in 
me is justified. 


Addresses of Arnold Petersen 
and Eric Hass 

Over Station WHN, N\ew York City, 
From the Capitol Hotel, April 27, 
1940, ■where the S.L.P. Golden 
Jubilee Banquet was being held. 

(Address of Arnold Petersen.) 

The birth of a great idea is an 
event of momentous consequence to 
the world of men. If truly great, it 
will in time, in its practical applica- 
tion, shake society to its very foun- 
dation. And to be truly great it 
must transcend the mere fortunes of 
the individual whom it masters and 
to whom it comes as if it were a 
revelation, like the sudden light that 
came to Saul on the road to Damas- 
cus. If the conceiver of the idea is 
as great in his moral and intellectual 
integrity as the idea itself is great 

it will cause the one. possessed by it 
pain and anguish for, as someone 
has well said, "one of the greatest 
pains is the pain of a new idea." 
And those who take up the new idea 
must expect to share this anguish 
until the idea has found its proper 

There have not been many births 
of truly great ideas in the history of 
mankind. Perhaps one could count 
them on ten fingers. Three or four, 
possibly, stand out as measuring up 
io true greatness, and among them 
we single out the discovery that was 
to revolutionize man's thinking con- 
cerning his species known as the 
Darwinian theory; the discovery that 
was to revolutionize man's thinking 
concerning his society and social re- 
lations known as the Marxian theo- 
ry; and the discovery that is about 
to revolutionize man's thinking con- 
cerning the manner of effecting the 
pending social change, as well as 
man's concept as to the nature and 
form of that society, the actualizing 
of which merely awaits the active 
and organized support of the work- 
ing class, the discovery now known, 
and undoubtedly to be known in the 
future,, as the De Leonist theory. 

The Socialist Labor Party is at 
present the sole carrier of this great 
idea, the De Leonist idea, and it is 
the birth of that idea fifty years ago 
— or, rather, of the movement which 
serves as its carrier — that we are 
celebrating here tonight. And what 
is this idea discovered by Daniel De 
Leon which is destined to shake 
society to its foundation, and pro- 
foundly to affect human relations for 
ages to come ? It is this : 

Basing himself on that other great 
idea discovered by Karl Marx, Dan- 
iel De Leon projected his great so- 


cial idea in its three elements: (1) a 
rounded-out analysis of the present 
class society resting on capitalist 
private property; (2) the weapon 
or tool enabling the working class, 
of a certainty, to effect its emanci 
pation from wage slavery, that is, 
the Socialist integrated Industrial 
Union; and (3) the Socialist Indus 
trial Union society to succeed the 
present political society, or the cap 
italist system. The new form of so- 
ciety envisioned by the genius of 
De Leon and the great central idea 
of which he worked into a practical 
program, will constitute the third 
fundamental change in social and 
human relations since the beginning 
of recorded and scientifically infer 
red history. 

The new society, with its vast in- 
crease in accumulated, transmissible 
and potentially unlimited wealth, 
will be non-political, and, in con- 
trast to the political society of capi- 
talism where government derives its 
representation from political or ter- 
ritorial divisions, its administrative 
or governing bodies will derive their 
representation from the industries — 
that is, it will rest on an industrial 
or occupational basis, thus ending, 
mot only poverty and want, but class 
struggles and wars. For the first 
time in the annals of man, and ful- 
filling the promises of the past, there 
will be combined equality and free- 
dom for all, and peace and plenty 
for all. It is to the realization o! 
this idea and ideal that the labors 
of the Socialist Labor Party have 
been dedicated for fifty years, since 
the days in 1890 when Daniel De 
Leon formulated and projected the 
program and principles embodied in 
the Party— the program and prin- 
ciples which on this Golden Jubilee 

occasion we re-dedicate ourselves to 
translate into those social forms and 
purposes which shall forever free 
man from want and drudgery and 
■' ocial strife. 

In celebrating this Golden Jubilee 
of the Socialist Labor Party, the 
light-bearer and champion of the ex- 
ploited workers, and of bewildered 
mankind generally, we do so in the 
knowledge that we have reared a 
monument as imperishable as brass, 
as enduring as granite, and as preci- 
ous as the rubies of Samarkand. 

(Address of Eric Hass.) 
There are political parties in 
America much older than the Social- 
ist Labor Party in spite of our fifty 
years. They are mot only old; they 
are senile. They have all the in- 
firmities of old age, none of its com- 
pensating virtues. The parties I re- 
fer to are old not because of years 
but because the idea which gave 
Lhem birth is shrivelled, and its mis- 
erable existence is prolonged by un- 
natural means. I refer to the par- 
ties of the past, of decadent capi- 

Our Party, the Socialist Labor 
Party, is young in spite of its fifty 
years. It is young with the vigor 
and hopes and aspirations of youth. 
Our Party possesses this vitality be- 
cause the idea which gave it birth 
throbs with life. Our Party is the 
Party of the Future, of Socialism. 

We have no illusions about the 
campaign which lies ahead. It will 
be a grueling one. Bigotry is ram- 
pant. The tub-thumpers will do 
their level best to drown out the is- 
sue at home by diverting attention 
to the anarchy abroad. Yet, despite 
this formidable reaction, our task 

has been rendered infinitely easier 
by the events of the past few years. 
There are several points which we 
need no longer argue at great 
length; they are self-evident. 

In 1932 we were compelled to 
prove by Marxian logic that unem- 
ployment could not be solved within 
the framework of the capitalist sys- 
tem. Today ten or twelve million 
jobless workers are living proof of 
this contention. 

In 1932 and 1936, and all the 
years between, we patiently demon- 
strated that intensified exploitation 
of wage labor, resulting in huge sur- 
pluses of unsold commodities, would 
lead to war between the great powers 
over the world markets and spheres 
of influence. Today the war in Eu- 
rope is a horrible confirmation of 
our forecast. 

For years, in the face of the most 
hostile reception, we have declared 
that reforms, New Deal or old deal, 
could not raise the working class out 
of the mire of insecurity and degra- 
dation. Today, after seven years of 
reform tinkering, more than a third 
of our people exist in squalor, while 
another third hangs onto the ragged 

We have argued earnestly, with 
fact and logic, to prove to the work- 
ers that an abundance is producible 
for everyone. Today there are few 
people so uninformed as to contend 
that we do not have the skill, re- 
sources and machinery with which 
to create a veritable cornucopia of 

There are many other things 
which are self-evident today, but 
which required elaboration only four 
years ago. Many of our fellow 
workers already realize that the rea- 
son we cannot enjoy the abundance 


producible is that today the means 
of production are privately owned 
and operated for profit. It is the 
task to which we have dedicated our- 
selves to convince others of this pal- 
pable fact and to show the American 
working class how they must organ- 
ize to abolish the insane conditions 
of capitalism. 

The Socialist Labor Party alone 
has a program for the peaceful and 
orderly Socialist reconstruction of 
society. We will, in this campaign, 
present this program to the Amer- 
ican workers fearlessly and with 
compelling earnestness. The French 
writer, Victor Hugo, once said: 
"There is one thing that is stronger 
than armies, and that is an Idea 
whose time has come." 

The time has come for Socialism ! 
That is why, as we celebrate fifty 
years of tireless, unremitting labor 
for working class and human eman- 
cipation, we feel none of the weari- 
ness of parties which are spent. 

We have confidence in the intel- 
ligence and manliness of the Amer- 
ican workers. We know that when 
they realize the hopelessness of 
patching up an insane, outmoded so- 
cial system, they will accept the rev- 
olutionary program of the Socialist 
Labor Party. It is our task to hasten 
that day that we may all greet the 
dawn of the Industrial Republic of 
Emancipated Labor. 


Address of John W. Aiken 

Over Sticution WHN, Nww Y^rk City, 
April 28, 1940. 

On September 30, 1934, President 
Roosevelt said: "I stand or fall by 
my refusal to accept as a necessary 

condition of our future a permanent 
army of unemployed." 

Brave words, these, uttered ap 
parently in the most blissful ignor 
ance of the problem that faced him. 
However, be that as it may, the 
President will have to swallow his 
words, for sufficient time has elapsed 
to permit a judgment being made of 
his efforts. That verdict is that I In 
President has failed to accomplish 
the noble task he had set himself- 
the solution of permanent unemplov 

It would be absurd to say., how- 
ever, that his failure is due to a re 
fusal to grapple with the problem 
In the last seven years practically 
every conceivable effort has be< "> 
made to restore prosperity. \W 
have had, and continue to have, 
pump-priming projects on a grand 
scale costing billions of dollars, so 
cial security laws that did not, of 
course, bring security, and monetary 
and financial reforms. Unemployed 
youth to the extent of more than a 
quarter of a million have been taken 
from the streets and put into C.C.Ci 
camps or other activities. All this 
and more. What else conceivably 
can be done ? 

Not even Mr. Dewey, Republican 
aspirant for the Presidential nmm 
nation, can find any new fields 0! 
reform. It is significant that lie 
has expressed approval of the New 
Deal measures, and, in fact, urge| 
their extension, though criticizini;' I In 
red tape and inefficiency involved in 
the administration of these new law.H. 

Like the President on the afore 
mentioned occasion, Mr. Dewey tOtij 
refuses to accept unemployment fj 
an insoluble problem. Said he in liin 
recent Hollywood address: 

"The American people are I I 

vorcd beyond any people in history. 
They are favored beyond any people 
on earth today. By what authority 
must we accept a verdict that we 
are finished— done — a people with- 
out a future? By what authority are 
ten million of our countrymen held 
in economic dependence and threat- 
ened with political subservience? 
By whose order are we denied the 
enjoyment of our national heritage? 
By whose order and authority exists 
this army of unemployed workers?" 
The Socialist Labor Party an- 
swers: By the order and authority 
imposed upon society by a system 
which decrees that goods must be 
sold at a profit or not at all, a sys- 
tem which damns the masses to 
chronic poverty. 

Even if Mr. Dewey knew this, the 
answer to his question, which appar- 
ently he does, would he dare repudi- 
ate this authority? We think not. 
Accordingly, were he elected and did 
he possess the unlimited power of a 
dictator, he too, like President 
Roosevelt, would go down to defeat 
before the magnitude of the task 
confronting him. 

Certainly the outstanding fact of 
modern times is that we have at our 
disposal the means for producing an 
abundance. That the United States 
stands out above all other countries 
in this respect is equally true; for 
we are favored with a continent of 
vast and varied natural resources, 
have a large supply of skilled labor, 
and productive equipment which are 
the envy of the whole world. 

But what good does all this do 
us? In the presence of vast wealth 
and the possibility of a most abun- 
dant life, widespread poverty and 
want exist among that very element 
which makes this abundance possible 


— the working class of the land. 
Thus does the present social order 
reward its benefactors. 

With blind and unthinking optim- 
ism, those who, like the President 
and Mr. Dewey, imagine that a so- 
lution of the unemployment problem 
can be found within the framework 
of the existing order, fail to take 
into account that the present state 
of affairs is an inevitable outcome of 
the development of capitalism. The 
county has seen a succession of eco- 
nomic crises, each one more devas- 
tating than the one before, culminat- 
ing in the present crisis. 

The invention and introduction of 
improved machinery,* on the one 
hand, and, on the other hand, the 
decline in purchasing power in rela- 
tion to the increased volume of the 
goods produced creates the crises of 
unemployment and overproduction. 
When the market for commodities 
reaches the vanishing point, factories 
shut down or operate part-time and 
workers are thrown out on the 
streets to become dependent upon 
charity or government assistance. 
All because productive capacity ex- 
ceeds the capacity to consume. 

But the present crisis is not a tem- 
porary affair like those of the past. 
Previously no matter how serious the 
situation may have been, recovery 
was certain so soon as the commodi- 
ties on the market were absorbed or 
destroyed. New industries arose or 
existing ones expanded and a large 
portion of workers was certain to re- 
turn to work. Now, further market 
expansion is impossible and unem- 
ployment has become permanent, as 
is proved by the fact that a few 
months ago, when business activity 
had reached the level of the pros- 
perous year of 1929, millions of 

workers remained jobless. The in- 
disputable fact is that markets of 
sufficient size to absorb the prod- 
ucts of industry are not now avail- 

It is useless to inveigh against 
this condition while at the same time 
striving to maintain the very sys- 
tem that produces it. Equally ridi- 
culous is it to believe that any legis- 
lative proposals can remedy it. Gov- 
ernments and political parties stand 
helpless before the economic forces 
unleashed in the world today and 
which will resist all efforts under 
capitalism to bring them under con- 

If it be argued that some progress 
has been made toward recovery by 
the public spending orgy, it need 
only be pointed out in reply that the 
so-called revival has been only of a 
superficial and temporary nature, 
leaving the major problem unsolved. 
Meanwhile, the tremendous cost of 
producing the appearance of revival 
increases the public debt, bringing 
nearer the day of reckoning and 

Can unemployment and the re- 
lated economic problems be solved? 
Certainly ! But not under capitalism. 
The means of production now pri- 
vately owned must be socialized so 
that our productive ability may be 
turned to the benefit of society. Then 
and not until then will unemploy- 
ment disappear. Capitalism throws 
workers out on the streets. Social- 
ism would put them back to work 
by throwing out hours of labor, by 
reducing the length of the working 
day to a minimum consistent with the 
ability of industry to supply the 
needs of all. 

This is the issue facing us: Either 
the message of the Socialist Labor 

Party is accepted and the working 
class proceeds to establish produc- 
tion for use instead of for profit as 
today, or else the workers will have 
a ruthless dictatorship foisted upon 
them by the ruling class, in a final 
desperate endeavor to keep the capi- 
talist sj^stem from complete collapse 
and revolution. 

Make no mistake about it. Fascism 
is imminent. Now that another 
world war has broken out as a re- 
sult of the mad race for markets 
and possession of raw materials, it 
may be expected that sinister influ- 
ences will be brought io bear upon 
the policies of the United States de- 
signed to force this country into the 
conflict. The propaganda for the 
participation of the United States 
may be expected from two sources — 
first, from the exhausted Allies 
themselves; and, second, from the 
business elements of this country 
who already regard the cash and 
carry provisions of the Neutrality 
Act and the prohibition of loans to 
belligerents under the Johnson Act 
as barriers to large war profits. 
These barriers will be broken down 
or circumvented. 

Besides, any number of incidents 
may arise which will be interpreted 
as a violation of the rights of the 
United States. Japan may decide 
to challenge the interests of the 
United States in the Pacific, or Ger- 
many may commit some act against 
American shipping or may carry the 
war on to this continent, either of 
which would be the pretext for di- 
rect involvement in the war. Unless 
fortified with a knowledge of the 
economic causes of war and organ- 
ized strongly enough to prevent the 
participation of the United States, 
the working class will again fall a 



victim to cunningly conceived war unions would then carry on the ad- 
propaganda, and again become can- ministration of industrial affairs, 
non fodder for the greater power Jt need scarce } y b e pointed out 
and wealth of grasping imperialists. ^ the present un i ns are utterly 
The important point is that, re- wor thless f. or the performance of 
gardless of which side wins, eco- tnoSe ac t s because they are domi- 
tiomic demoralization and financial na t e d by the thoroughly reactionary 
bankruptcy lie at the end of the and £ alge conception that the inter- 
road. With hundreds of thousands estg of cap i ta l an d labor are identi- 
of soldiers demobilized and jobless, ca j And a j so because their efforts 
the number of which would be aug- are devoted exclusively to futile at- 
mented by those thrown out of work tempts to i mpro ve the condition of 
by the return of industry to a peace- j abor un( j er cap italism. Now unions 
time basis, and also by those losing mugt be ^ ni \ t? actuated by Socialist 
their jobs due to the resumption of jt j eas an( j Dase d on the industrial 
foreign trade by all belligerent coun- rather than the cra f t f or m. 

tries, a resulting unemployment situ- „„„*«.„ 

} . , . i j u In addition to these, its reconstitu- 

ation of such seriousness would be t ' 

, ... , a tive and administrative functions, 

created as to constitute a menace ■ . 

, £ . . Socialist Industrial Unionism is the 

to the continued existence of private ,'..«, j & *• _„„<, 

. ... .. .. . only intelligent and effective means 

property. Faced with extinction at «? ,..,«.- ^ i«ii„t 

\ ^\ % , ,, , ., i. for enforcing the fiat of the ballot 

the hands of the workers, the ruling fo 

L . , . . . should enforcement become neces- 
class would resort to despotism to 

. sary by reason of a refusal on the 

preserve its rule. £ rul dags ^ recognize 

War most certainly means dicta- f ° , ,... , 

, ..: the validity of a workers political 
tor ship, imposed either as a sup- 

, i. victory, 

posed war emergency measure or at •> 

the conclusion of peace. The work- It will be observed that the pro- 

ers will be the victims if they do gram of the Socialist Labor Party 

not now organize to abolish war and calls for both political and economic 

., T . action, one complementing the other, 

capitalism. ' r ... 

Whether the working class falls Taken together, they constitute an 
under the iron heel of capitalist des- invulnerable means of accomplishing 
potism or establishes a proper so- the defeat of capitalism and the es- 
cial order depends entirely upon tablishment of Socialism, 
whether the working class will heed Friends, at this fateful hour when 
the message of the Socialist Labor war and reaction threaten to spread 
p arty like a blighting pall over the whole 
The immediate task of the work- world, and unemployment, with its 
ing class is the formation of Social- corollaries of want, misery and con- 
ist Industrial Unions whose primary stant insecurity, plagues the work- 
purpose will be to take over the ing class of the land, it is necessary 
means of production when it is that you seize time by the forelock 
shown at the ballot box by the num- and support with your voice and vote 
ber of votes cast that the over- the Socialist Labor Party's program 
whelming portion of the population for social regeneration, 
want this step to be taken. These 


A Review and Outlook. 

By Arrvold P\etersen. 

A terrible year is ended, a year 
of unprecedented suffering and un- 
believable wretchedness for the 
mass of humanity. At the risk of 
speaking in terms of hyperbole, one 
might say that never before in all 
recorded history has there been a 
year to equal it. Almost any one of 
the numerous important events that 
took place in the year of 1940 would 
have been sufficient to set off the 
year as an outstanding one in his- 
tory. And the year 1940 is out- 
standing not merely because of what 
happened, but because the things 
that happened have created a situa- 
tion which forever makes it impos- 
sible to go back to the politico-eco- 
nomic status quo — makes it impos- 
sible to go back to things as they 
were. Though unhappily the great 
issue of the age is; not placed 
directly and clearly before us, 
nevertheless that issue is the 
one which, in one form or an- 
other, imperiously knocks on the 
gates of our age, the issue of slav- 
ery and poverty for the many, 
affluence and idleness for the parasi- 
tical few. Turn and twist it as they 
may, ruling class spokesmen cannot 
get around that issue. That the is- 
sue is hot going to be settled by 
the ruling class in favor of freedom 
and a classless society^ we know. 
The workers, properly organized; 
alone can and must do that job. 

The speech delivered by President 
Roosevelt December 29 strikes a 

most ominous note. There can be 
no doubt that it is intended to cre- 
ate "public opinion," that is, to pre- 
pare the country for war. The Pres- 
ident's address makes no sense un- 
less we accept as Mr. Roosevelt's 
premise a recognition of the inevi- 
tability of war between the United 
States and the "Axis powers." The 
speech bristles with the sort of 
phrases and statements which marks 
it a call to battle. It is not neces- 
sary to question the President's in- 
tegrity and high motives in order to 
challenge the complete validity of 
his "plea," or warning. The Pres- 
ident wants to save "democracy" as 
his predecessor wanted to do twenty- 
four years ago. But let us not for- 
get that to the President and his 
class "democracy" is an interchange- 
able term for capitalism, or, as they 
so euphoniously put it, the system of 
free enterprise. Hence we know 
that his "call to battle" means a call 
to the American workers to come to 
the rescue of the system, and the 
class, which exploit and despoil 
them. At any rate, that is precisely 
what his "call to battle" means. And 
that he is thinking primarily in in- 
ternational terms is shown by his 
bold declarations that -the United 
States must stand by Great Britain, 
that is to say, United States capi- 
talism must save British capitalism 
from destruction at the hands of its 
European and Asiatic competitors 
and rivals in the world market. This, 
and nothing else, is what the Presi- 
dent's flowery language resolves it- 
self into. To enable traditional cap- 
italism to survive, to make it pos- 
sible for "normal" capitalism to 
function a while longer (or forever, 
as the President fatuously seems to 
think possible!) — for this, Amer- 

ican youth must die! For the Presi- 
dent's assurances that no American 
army will be sent outside our bor- 
ders mean nothing. The President 
undoubtedly meant sincerely what he 
said, but the logic of events, and not 
lie, will determine that question. And 
once war is declared, it will soon be 
discovered that "our borders" are 
somewhere in the Low Countries, or 
in England, France, Scandinavia, or 
the Balkans! Modern warfare rec- 
ognizes no artificial boundary lines, 
and the air, even less than the earth, 
acknowledges none. And so this 
ominous note struck by the President 
in the dying hours of the old year 
darkens an already overcast sky, and 
makes the immediate outlook appear 
even more dismal and portentous. 

Dark and dismal, however, as the 
dawn of the new year must appear 
to most of us, there are rays of hope 
and encouragement aplenty. We 
know, as 'said, that it is impossible 
to go back to the status quo. That 
leaves but two alternatives : Slavery, 
economic serfdom, for the masses 
under a system of absolutism — call 
it fascism, nazism, or industrial feu- 
dalism^ it is all one. The other al- 
ternative is Socialism, and freedom 
in affluence for all. That we may 
lapse into industrial feudalism is not 
impossible. And in saying this we 
speak soberly. But, on the other 
hand, whenever in the past the world 
slipped back into a darker and more 
cruel period, there was always a 
sound reason for it: The fact of 
scarcity in the things needed to sus- 
tain and develop a civilized existence 
with equal opportunities for all to 
enjoy the good life. This is an ir- 
refutable fact, and a fact of bmsic 
importance. Neither in natural nor 


in social evolution do things happen 
capriciously, nor in a way that for 
any considerable length of time is 
contrary to the 'logic of things — con- 
trary to the nature of things them- 
selves. This we knO\w. In society, 
as in nature, things have a way of 
seeking their own level, irresistibly 
and with overwhelming force, what- 
ever may be the current and tran- 
sitory obstacles. Moreover, man is 
no longer without conscious direction 
in social evolution. Man can, and 
generally daes, take evolution by the 
hand and says: Along thy normal 
course I follow thee; and though 
there be artificial forces seeking to 
deflect thy course into byways, or 
backwards, I will resist and follow 
thee whithersoever thou leadest! 

All history attests that thus are 
the processes of history worked out. 
The glory that was Greece, and the 
grandeur that was Rome, did not 
perish because of the evil designs of 
wicked and selfish men. They per- 
ished because the economic basis was 
lacking to push society further along 
those particular lines. The promise 
of the French Revolution was not vi- 
olated because there arose fanatic 
dreamers on the one hand, or a Na- 
poleonic man on horseback on the 
other hand. 'That promise was not 
fulfilled because as yet the material 
possibilities for the abundant life 
were absent. We facte no such situa- 
tion today. To imagine such an af- 
termath to the present social ferment 
and (as yet) incipient revolutionary 
upheavals, one has to imagine that 
mankind will perversely shut its 
eyes forever to palpable facts; that 
deliberately the mass of humanity 
will choose slavery and poverty, and 
g® out of its way energetically to 
frustnate the designs of social evolu- 

Hon. Granted that sometimes it does 
seem as if that is precisely what hu- 
manity does, we know better, of 
course. Whatever momentary con- 
quests the forces of reaction, the 
apostles of darkness,, may make, they 
are of such a nature that they can- 
not possibly for long, not to say per- 
manently, be consolidated. They bear 
within them the seeds of disintegra- 
tion even if the workers should at 
first fail to organize and take over 
the management and direction of 

social and economic affairs. 

The last campaign disposed of 
more traditions than the silly "no 
third term" tradition. It disposed 
definitely of the legend that the two 
so-called major parties represented 
more than two suits of clothes for 
the same body politic, identical in 
all essentials. The presentation of 
a "Democrat" for the highest office 
in the land by the Republicans, and 
the avowed espousal of capitalist im- 
perialism by a Democrat; the form- 
ing of "Republican" clubs for the 
election of a Democratic party can- 
didate, and of "Democratic" clubs 
for the election of a Republican par- 
ty candidate, for all time destroyed 
the fiction of a "two-party system" 
in America. Yet, despite all the 
humbuggery practised by the capi- 
talist politicians., it became clear 
that the vast majority of the work- 
ers were indifferent, and simply 
voted for one or the other capitalist 
candidate because there did not seem 
to be anything else to do, barring 
abstaining from voting altogether. 
Had the real issue been presented, if 
the majority of the people had even 
been given the opportunity to vote on 
such a subordinate issue as conscrip- 
tion, there would have been a differ- 

ent story to tell. So far as the rev- 
olutionary 'Socialist is concerned, 
there was nothing to do but to carry 
on, regardless of obstacles, and re- 
gardless of prospects, or the lack of 
prospects,, of concrete results. And 
carry on the S.L.P. did! But that is 
another story. We are facing a new 
year, with new problems, new situa- 
tions, though the fundamental issue 
remains the same. Only a fool 
would attempt to prophesy in de- 
tailed particulars at this stage, yet 
we venture to predict that the year 
1941 will bring with it changes that 
will put 1940 in the shade. And 
that is saying something! The dawn 
of 1941 is as different from the dawn 
of 1940 as the year 1940 was differ- 
ent from I860. It is altogether 
probable that the society of 1942 
will be as fundamental in departure 
from pre-1939 days as the society 
of 1793 constituted a fundamental 
departure from pre-1789 days. Let 
us remember: Nothing is certafai; 
nothing is impossible. 

And so, on this dying day of the 
fated year of 1940 let us, one and 
all, solemnly resolve to increase our 
efforts and activities tenfold and a 
hundredfold! Let us plan careful- 
ly ; let us execute our plans faith- 
fully; let us view our duties toward 
the S.L.P. (that is, toward the work- 
ing class) as we would view our per- 
sonal duties to ourselves. Much de- 
pends upon the manner in which S. 
L.P. militants respond to the call of 
duty during 1941. The difference 
will be enormous in the end — it may 
easily mean the difference between a 
strongly integrated body and disin- 
tegration; the difference between 
success and failure; the difference 
between life and death. Let us, then, 
not merely highly resolve, but let us 

also highly perform. For in the 
swamps between resolution doid per- 
fo'trnmiC'e lie the "unlm'tched" germs 
of diimstier mid extinction. 

The Socialist Labor Party, which 
for half a century has fought con- 
sistently for working class emancipa- 
tion, looks forward to its 51st year 
with the same optimism, determina- 
tion and faith in the working class 
which have been inseparable from 
its labors in the past. We are build- 
ing the new social order in the minds 
and in the hearts of the workers of 
the land. Like so many bricks in 
the building, like so many thoughts 
and ideas in the minds of the work- 
ers. Brick upon brick, thought add- 
ed to thought, and lo !, the building 

is rising — the Socialist Republic is 
rearing skyward ! Slow and ardu- 
ous is the task, imperceptible almost 
the progress. Yet, the work pro- 
ceeds ceaselessly, thought added to 
thought, bitter lesson linked unto bit- 
ter experience and a chain is forged 
stronger than the chain which held 
the fabled Fenris-wolf in check ! Un- 
dismayed, with high hopes, unflinch- 
ing courage and unsullied banner we 
recommence our labors in this new 
year, confident that deliverance is 
near. And our call to all militants 
is now as in the past: 

S.L.P. MEN, 

December 31, 1940. 


The Socialist Labor Party Vote, 1892-1940. 

('Compiled from official sources by Joseph C. Borden, Jr.) 

Although the following table begins with 1892, with Simon Wing as the 
first Socialist Labor Party nominee for the Presidency, the records show 
that in the State of New York the Socialistic Labor Party was entered of- 
ficial^ in the Presidential election of 1888, and a total of 2068 votes appear 
registered in the S.L.P. column. This is the earliest record found of a Pres- 
idential vote for the S.L.'P. It was cast merely in the Socialistic Labor Par- 
ty's column on the ballot, there being no member designated as candidate for 
President. [See "Official canvass for 1888. Vote for President." Page 
634 of the Manual for the use of the Legislature of the State of New York, 
1889. Prepared by Frederick Cook, Secretary of State, Albany, 1889.] 






















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Interference with, and Re- 
strictions on, Civil Liber- 
ties, Political Rights (Bal- 
lot, Etc.). 

(From the Report of the National 
Secretary to the National Executive 
Committee in Session, May, 1941.) 


The past year has witnessed an 
unprecedented degree of interference 
with the constitutional rights of citi- 
zens generally^ both with respect to 
a flaunting of those rights guaran- 
teed by law, as well as with respect 
to the placing on the statute books 
laws which (for want of a better 
word) may best be designated sub- 
versive — that is., subversive of the 
rights previously held secure under 
the Constitution, and subversive of 
the traditions derived and developed 
from the words and pronouncements 
of the Revolutionary Founders of 
the Republic, notably the Declara- 
tion of Independence. The means 
are the familiar ones: First, a taboo 
is declared on a certain theory or 
group, political or religious ; there- 
upon such a group is declared un- 
American, or subversive, or (in keep' 
ing with current international 
trends), labelled "Fifth Columnist." 
Assumptions or imputations, even 
though unfounded or deliberately in- 
vented, presently become facts so 
far as the official witch-hunters are 
concerned, and thereafter the hunt is 
on. The fact that in ninety-nine 
cases out of a hundred the group 
singled out may have every legiti- 
mate right to propagate its views — 
nay more, that it is its conscientious 
duty to do .so — troubles the witch- 

hunters and their misled followers 
not at all. In this respect we wit- 
ness an almost exact parallel to the 
persecutions of the Abolitionists be- 
fore the Civil War. 

It is undoubtedly true that there 
are groups and individuals whose in- 
terests lie, not in the direction of 
serving the best interests of the ma- 
jority of the American people, but 
rather the interests of some alien 
ruling class which may or may not 
be that of a dictatorship. And even 
there it would appear that there are 
distinctions to be made. Thus, the 
witch- hunters, the "patrioteers," find 
it perfectly good Americanism to 
serve the interests of, say, the Brit- 
ish imperialist class, while it is con- 
sidered (and rightly so) to be "sub- 
versive" to serve the interests of the 
Italian, 'German or Russian dicta- 
tors. No sensible person denies that 
foreign powers have their spies ev- 
erywhere throughout the country. 
But it can also be safely asserted 
that the harm done by these is not 
nearly so great as that done by our 
own industrial autocrats, their spies 
and propagandists. It is also true 
that the double-dealing, underhanded 
and altogether contemptible anti- 
working class principles and tactics 
■jf the Communist party, for in- 
stance, have wrought great harm. 
Among other things, by reason of 
the Communist party's poisonous, 
disruptive anti-Marxist propaganda, 
and also by reason of its tactics, the 
American ruling class has found it 
possible to create prejudice against 
all working class movements — even 
against conservative unions so-called, 
and against reactionary "union lead- 

ers." On the other hand, it would 
be folly to assume that the American 
plutocracy would not have found 
means to create hysteria, and to deny 
us our civil rights, if the Commu- 
nists had not helped them. Of course 
they would, but they would not have 
had such easy sailing had it not been 
(or the aid given them by their al- 
lies, the Communist party and kin- 
dred groups. As De Leon taught us, 
it is the business of the American 
Marxists to put the reaction on the 
defensive, and prove it in the wrong 
on every point, and not permit that 
reaction to put us on the defensive. 
To do so means to play right into 
their hands, thereby increasing our 
difficulties manifold. The service 
rendered the cause of capitalism in 
America by such groups as the 
Anarcho-Syndicalist I.W.W., the 
Anarcho-Communist Stalinites, and 
similar anti-Marxist groups is, in- 
deed, incalculable. 

The plotters against our constitu- 
tional rights are not in the main 
found in the so-called subversive 
groups, and certainly not among 
American Marxists. They are main- 
ly to be found among the politicians 
in our legislative chambers, and in 
the various committees created by 
state and federal legislatures to in- 
vestigate so-called un-American ac- 
tivities, and so forth. Typical of 
the lot is, of course, the Dies Com- 
mittee which blithely proceeds in its 
own peculiar un-American way, 
scheming and working to hamstring 
our already heavily restricted politi- 
cal democracy. The example set by 
the Dies Committee inspires politi- 
cians in local and state legislatures 
and assemblies to create similar com- 
mittees, so that in such states as 
Oklahoma and California, notably, 

we witness the emergence of so- 
called "little Dies committees" 
which are as subversive of American 
traditions and constitutional guaran- 
tees as what might be called the 
parent body. Agitation is carried on 
in many states to» put so-called 
"criminal syndicalism" laws on the 
statutes, and brazenly these agents 
of anti- American interests demand 
the enactment of anti-strike laws. 
The latter agitation particularly 
bears watching, for once such laws 
are enacted (on no matter what pre- 
text) the end even of bourgeois dem- 
ocratic freedom will have come for 
America. We have even heard the 
savage and vicious cry from the halls 
of Congress that capital punishment 
should be meted out to workers who 
strike. And the vulgar politicians 
who set up that demand are those 
who on Lincoln's birthday extol the 
great Emancipator — the American 
President who at New Haven, March 
6, 18:60, said: "I am glad to see that 
a system of labor prevails in New 
England under which laborers can 
strike when they want to, where 
they are not obliged to work under 
all circumstances, and are not tied 
down and obliged to labor whether 
you pay them or not !" 

We are constantly harassed by the 
police in the matter of distributing, 
and particularly selling, our litera- 
ture in public thoroughfares and 
squares, despite the celebrated deci- 
sions of the United States Supreme 
Court upholding our right to do so. 
As you now, we won the New Jersey 
case, a decision upholding our right 
to sell copies of the WEEKLY 
PEOPLE on the streets of Atlantic 
City being handed down on July 13, 
1940, by the New Jersey Supreme 
Court. Yet in only a little more 

than a month that same city flouted 
r.he decision of the Supreme Court 
of its own state by arresting three 
members (including Comrade Her- 
der!) on the false and dishonest 
charge that they were littering the 
streets ! And these vulgar politi- 
cians, who spit their own Supreme 
Court justices in the face, who 
trample their decisions under their 
filthy boots, have the brazenness to 
charge S.L.P, members with lack of 
respect for our Constitution and gov- 
ernment ! A case was reported in 
the iNew York Times a couple of 
weeks ago (April 8, 1941) involving 
the sect known as "Jehovah's Wit- 
nesses." Let us recall that the 
United States Supreme Court had 
specifically, in two memorable deci- 
sions, upheld the right of persons to 
distribute (and sell) literature on 
streets. This is the answer made to 
the Supreme Court decision by the 
mill-town of Manchester, N.H., and 
observe what the Supreme Court did 
about it: 

" 'Jehovah's Witnesses' Lose. 
"Washington, April 7 (AP)— 
Thirteen persons describing them- 
selves as 'Jehovah's Witnesses' 
failed today to obtain a Supreme 
Court review of a decision which up- 
held as constitutional a Manchester 
(N.H.) ordinance prohibiting the 
sale on public streets of newspapers, 
books, pamphlets or magazines with- 
out first obtaining a badge from the 
Superintendent of Schools. Appeal- 
ing from a decision by the First 
Federal Circuit Court, they contend- 
ed that the ordinance constituted 
'prior censorship of the press,' and 
denied them their 'right of freedom 
of speech, press and of worship of 
Almighty God.' " 

(It is subsequently reported xmder 
a Columbus, 0., dateline of April 
25, 1941, that Federal Judge Mell 
G. Underwood ruled that the Jeho- 
vah's Witnesses group had a consti- 
tutional right to distribute literature, 
etc., and granted a permanent in- 
junction restraining the city of Lon- 
don, Ohio, from interfering.) 

The august United States Su- 
preme Court makes a ruling. 

A municipality flouts that ruling 
and sets itself above the Supreme 

The victim carries an appeal to 
the United .States Supreme Court 
"begging" it to order the rebelling 
municipality to respect and observe 
the ruling of the said august Su- 
preme Court. 

The said august body declines to 
do anything about it, thereby in ef- 
fect certifying that its decisions may 
be contemned and violated with im- 
punity ! 

lis it any wonder that Dickens's 
Mr. Bumble disgustedly exclaimed: 
"The law, sir, is a ass!"? But the 
law, under such circumstances, is, 
indeed, much worse than "a ass" — 
it becomes an instrument of despot- 
ism, of official anarchy, a breeder of 

Among the many interferences 
with our civil rights I shall here 
deal briefly with some of the most 
representative ones, listing them by 


On June 28, 1940, the organizer 
of Section Oakland informed the 
National Office that comrades sell- 
ing Party literature had been stop- 
ped because they did not have a per- 
mit. The matter was referred to 
the S.E.C., which advised the See- 


tion to continue to distribute and sell 
literature in Oakland with a view of 
making a test case, if necessary. 
There was no report of further in- 

In Stockton a rule was enforced 
to close open air meetings at 9.30 
p.m., obviously in an effort to dis- 
courage or discontinue meetings al- 

Section Los Angeles reported the 
arrest of Comrades Harold Holz- 
grcen and Nathan Goldberg, on 
April 8, 1941, for distributing leaf- 
Jets on the streets of the city of Ver- 
non. The two comrades were held 
in jail for several hours until $200 
bail could be raised. It is reported 
that the prosecuting attorney agreed 
to drop the charge, it apparently be- 
ing realized that under the Supreme 
Court decisions the municipality 
would have no case at all. The or- 
ganizer of Section Los Angeles re- 
ported that the attorney agreed to 
drop the charge also "in view of the 
far-reaching complications should 
the City of Vernon insist on ignoring 
the Constitution and the Bill of 
Rights." The case was to come up 
in court on April 18. 


In Bridgeport, on May 13, 1940, 
our members were prevented from 
selling the WEEKLY PEOPLE at 
an open air meeting. A complaint 
was immediately filed by the Sec- 
tion; assurances were given by the 
Chief of Police that there would be 
no interference — the "aim of the 
Department was to cooperate with 
us" ! 

On June 14, 1940, our Presiden- 
tial candidate was scheduled to ad- 
dress a meeting in Hartford. A mob 
was incited to disrupt the meeting 

and, when called upon to protect it, 
the police refused to do so. A sim- 
ilar incident took place on June 19, 
also in Hartford, at a meeting sched- 
uled for Comrade George E. Bopp. 
Although promises had been made to 
protect this meeting after protests 
had been filed in connection with the 
disrupted Aiken meeting, nothing 
was done by the police to prevent 
the mob from disrupting Comrade 
Bopp's meeting. When Comrade 
Bopp appealed to the police to main- 
tain order, he was promptly told 
that the hoodlums had as much right 
to free speech as the S.L.P. had. 
The meeting was, therefore, ad^- 
journed, to avoid further trouble, 

Washington, D.C. 

On May 25, 1940, in the nation's 
capital, an individual wearing an 
American Legion button assaulted 
Comrade A. A. Albaugh, who was on 
a speaker's stand at the time. Com- 
rade Albaugh had the assailant ar- 
rested for assault and destruction of 
property. When the case came be- 
fore the court, the judge proceeded 
to question and lecture Comrade Al- 
baugh, but since the assailant could 
not deny his conduct, the. judge 
found it necessary to impose a fine 
of $25 for destruction of property 
(apparently the assault on Comrade 
Albaugh was inconsequential!), 
whereupon the sentence was sus- 
pended. The National Office filed a 
complaint subsequently with the De- 
partment of Justice, and also pro- 
tested this in a letter to the Presi- 
dent of the United States, without 
anything, however, being done about 


In this state our members were 



victims of mob action to a greater 
extent than in any other state. 'The 
outstanding instance was that of the 
assault on Comrade Joseph Pirincin 
in Peoria on June 6. The details 
are familiar to you, as they were 
published in the WEEKLY PEO- 
PLE, issue of June 22, 1940. 

The other cases of interference in 
Illinois relate mostly to the collec- 
tion of signatures and will be dealt 
with under a separate head. 


On Saturday, February 15, this 
year, Comrade Joe Wegner, a mem- 
ber of Section Evansville, was ar- 
rested in a restaurant at the behest 
of the drunken proprietress, who 
made several false charges against 
Comrade Wegner, such as that 
he had said "God damn Amer- 
ica, ' "that he was a Communist and 
foreigner/' etc., etc. Comrade Weg- 
ner, wholly innocent of any wrong- 
doing, and keeping calm while the 
drunken tavern-keeper vilifie'l him, 
was taken to the Evansville city jail 
and placed in a cell, where he was 
held incommunicado for about 24 
hours, his wife finally being permit- 
ted to see him. On Monday morn- 
ing lie was taken to the finger-print 
room, measured, weighed, finger- 
printed, and a number hung around 
his neck while being photographed. 
He was then released without any 
charge being placed against him. A 
complaint has been filed with the 
mayor of the city of Evansville. A 
month having passed without any ac- 
tion having been taken by the mayor, 
steps will now be taken to sue the 
arresting officers for false arrest, 
and to collect what damages may'be 
possible. It should be noted that 
this incident is of recent occurrence, 


and undoubtedly one of the most out- 
rageous assaults on the person and 
rights of a member of the Socialist 
Labor Party to date, at least at the 
hands of the police itself. The mat- 
ter will be followed through to the 
end by the National Office as far as 
that is possible. 


In Portland, on November 16, 
1940, Comrade Aiken was distribut- 
ing handbills advertising a scheduled 
meeting, when the police interfered. 
Subsequently a protest was lodged 
with the Portland City Manager, 
who informed us that the police de- 
partment had been ordered not to 
interfere with S.L.P. members dis- 
tributing leaflets. 


In Springfield our right to sell 
and distribute literature on the 
streets was challenged by the au- 
thorities. The local ordinances ob- 
viously fly in the face of the United 
States Supreme Court decisions, but, 
due to previous doubts that had been 
raised as to whether or not the .Su- 
preme Court decisions also included 
the sale, as well as distribution, of 
free literature (see correspondence 
with Indianapolis authorities in re- 
port to the National Convention), 
and due to the fact that the Atlantic 
City case was still pending, and gen- 
erally for lack of time, nothing fur- 
ther was done in this particular in- 
stance by the National Office. It 
might be added parenthetically that 
there are several such cases still 
pending, concerning which nothing 
conclusive has been done. Obviously 
the Party cannot fight every mu- 
nicipality in the nation on this issue, 
but, when we do make an issue of 

it, we should be prepared to carry 
the case, wherever it may originate, 
to the United States Supreme Court. 

New Jersey. 

On June 10, 1940, Comrade 
George E. Bopp reported that a mob 
in Paterson pulled him off the stand, 
destroyed the banner and scattered 
his notes. Although the audience 
supjiorted Comrade Bopp against 
the mobsters, the police stood by, 
refusing to interfere unless formal 
charges were preferred against them 
by Comrade Bopp. 

On June 29, 1940, our members 
were stopped from distributing cam- 
paign leaflets in the town of Vine- 
land. When our members called the 
attention of the police to the Su- 
preme Court rulings, the police 
chief replied that he was not inter- 
ested in Supreme Court rulings. On 
August 29 our state secretary pro- 
tested to Governor Moore against 
this unlawful interference by the po- 
lice in Vineland. One of the local 
papers falsely reported the ,S.L.P. 
in this connection, and related cir- 
cumstances, and when our organiz- 
er, Comrade Karp, wrote a letter to 
the editor correcting him and pro- 
testing the falsehoods, no attention 
was paid to the protest. It seemed 
obvious that the editor of this sheet 
was in cahoots with the police with 
regard to their unconstitutional ac- 

In June of last year the authori- 
ties in West New York, N.J., inter- 
fered with our arranging outdoor 
meetings in that city. The matter 
was referred to the S.E.C, for ac- 
tion, which immediately took the 
matter up with the West New York 
authorities. A permit was granted 
for the holding- of a meeting at the 

corner and time requested. Subse- 
quently, however, permit was refused 
the Section for another meeting in 
West New York, but since by this 
time no speaker was available to 
back up the request for a future 
meeting, the matter was permitted 
to drop. 

As reported in the WEEKLY 
PEOPLE (August 3, 1940) the Par- 
ty won the appeal in the New Jer- 
sey Supreme Court against the deci- 
sion of the city of Atlantic City, 
which found Comrade Milton Her- 
der guilty of violation of a local or- 
dinance, requiring a permit to sell 
literature on the streets. The deci- 
sion, declaring the local ordinance 
unconstitutional, was handed down 
by the New Jersey Supreme Court 
on July 13, 1940. The issue, ac- 
cordingly, was settled in the state 
of New Jersey. 

However, on August 22, 1940, 
Comrades Olkes, Herder and Israel 
were arrested for distributing leaf- 
lets in Atlantic City, on the ground 
that they were littering the streets. 
After a prolonged delay, for which 
the local court was responsible, the 
case against these three comrades 
was finally dismissed, the Recorder 
informing our attorney in Atlantic 
City to this effect on December 27, 
1940. On advice of our national at- 
torney, Mr. Byrne, the question of 
suing the arresting officers for false 
arrest was taken up with the Atlan- 
tic City attorney, who handled the 
case for 'us. This attorney, how- 
ever, informed us in so many words 
that he was afraid to handle a case 
involving suit for arrest against the 
city authorities. Attempts to reason 
with him, and to remind him of his 
duties and responsibilities as an at- 
torney, were of no avail. This law- 


yer was afraid that the politicians 
and their gangsters would do some- 
thing or other to members of his 
family, and that ended the incident. 

N<ew York. 

Several times our members in New 
York City were interfered with by 
the police while distributing leaflets, 
etc. Complaints were made to the 
New York Police Department, 
which made a show of rebuking the 
officers, and gave us to understand 
that there would be no further in- 
terference by the police. 

In June, 1940, the Greater New 
York Propaganda Committee report- 
ed to the National Office that the 
police had interfered with the taking 
up of a collection at a street meet- 
ing, the police insisting that no col- 
lections could be taken up without a 
permit. Again on September 10, at 
an outdoor meeting, the police pre- 
vented the taking up of a collection. 
The matter was referred to our at- 
torney for investigation. As yet no 
definite conclusions have been 
reached witli regard to our right to 
take up collections at open air meet- 

On May 25, 1940, Comrade Fred 
Kingsland, member of Section Erie 
County, was arrested in .Buffalo for 
selling literature without a permit. 
Through the aid of a local attorney, 
who handled the case for us free of 
charge, the case was dismissed on 
May 28. This was the second case 
which this attorney handled success- 
fully for us, without charging any 
legal fees for his services "in the 
cause of freedom." 


Last August Section Youngstown 
made efforts to secure the public 


park for a meeting in Niles to be 
addressed by our Vice Presidential 
candidate. The mayor refused to 
allow the park to be used for the 
meeting, unless a written copy of 
the speech was first submitted to him 
for approval. As time was lacking 
to go into it for the sake of the gen- 
eral principle involved, nothing fur- 
ther was done, and the See Li on ar- 
ranged for a meeting on that date 
in another town. 

In Lorain the authorities inter- 
fered with the sale of literature in 
the streets, but for the reason men- 
tioned in the case of Springfield, 
Mass., nothing further has been done 
in the matter. 


On August 21, 1940, Comrade 
Aiken complained that a local re- 
cruiting sergeant attempted to break 
up his meeting with the aid of hood- 
lums recruited for the purpose. The 
authorities had previously inter- 
fered with the sale and distribution 
of literature on the streets, under 
the provisions of a local ordinance. 
As we have no Section in Klamath 
Falls, and there being no more meet- 
ings or other activities scheduled 
there, nothing further was done in 
the matter. 


On May 17 and 24, Section Phila- 
delphia reported the mobbing of 
meetings on these two dates. In the 
one case the hoodlums seized the 
speaker's stand and smashed it. The 
police made no effort to apprehend 
the culprits and, of course, that par- 
ticular meeting was discontinued. At 
the other meeting, when the speaker 
protested at the interference by the 
mob, the only satisfaction he got 

from the officer in attendance was 
that "they had a right to speak"— 
meaning the hoodlums ! Protest was 
filed with the police, but apparently 
no satisfaction was given. 

In May of last year Section Dau- 
phin County reported that the Har- 
risburg Police Department had re- 
fused to grant permission to the S. 
L.P. to hold a meeting in Harris- 
burg, and threatened anyone with ar- 
rest who would attempt to hold a 
meeting. Later, when a verbal per- 
mit was granted to hold a meeting 
in Harrisburg, it was found that the 
location assigned was on a dark side 
street. iSince the Chief of Police 
could not be contacted on this occa- 
sion, and as no meeting could be 
held in the location assigned, further 
efforts to hold the meeting were 

On October 4, Comrade Bopp's 
meeting in Harrisburg was dis- 
turbed by a group of hecklers. When 
approached to be quiet, one member 
of the group was heard to say: 
"Don't be afraid; the cop said he 
would be back of us." The officer 
at the meeting was appealed to to 
keep order. His reply was: "They 
[the hecklers], too, have a right to 
free speech." The meeting was 

A meeting had been scheduled for 
Comrade Quinn in Luzerne in June, 
1940, but the police refused to per- 
mit the meeting to go on. Complaint 
to the Burgess in person was of no 
avail — he frankly refused to grant 
permission to hold a meeting. Com- 
rade Quinn wrote a letter to the edi- 
tor of the local paper, and endeav- 
ored to have them print it, but did 
not succeed. 

On September 20 Comrade George 
E. Bopp was arrested in Wilkes- 

Barre for addressing a meeting with- 
out a written permit. It was estab- 
lished that the Chief of Police him- 
self had given verbal permission to 
hold the meeting. Comrade Bopp 
was arrested and held for two hours. 
He was subsequently released on 
bail, and the next day Comrade 
Bopp pleaded his own case. Final- 
1}^ the Chief was contacted, and it is 
reported that he ordered the court 
clerk to give "back his money [to 
Comrade Bopp] and let him go." 
The question was considered as to 
whether to sue for false arrest, but 
subsequently the matter was drop- 

In West Homestead we had 
trouble on two occasions. In this 
feudal stronghold the authorities 
went so far as to prohibit indoor 
meetings. When protests were re- 
peatedly made against this decision, 
the only answer given us was that 
the people of West Homestead did 
not want the S.L.P. there. The 
Pennsylvania S.E.C. had made plans 
to follow up this matter, but appar- 
ently it was not brought to any def- 
inite conclusion. The difficulty in a 
place of this kind is that the hall 
owners are intimidated by the police 
and will refuse to rent their halls if 
they think the police will give them 
trouble afterward. This entirely 
apart from the actual physical in- 
terference by the police itself. 

On August 21, at a street meeting 
in Pittsburgh, where about 500 peo- 
ple had gathered to hear 'Comrade 
Orange, several drunks and "a typi- 
cal 200 per cent American" dis- 
rupted the meeting. The latter final- 
ly rushed the stand, pulling Comrade 
Orange off, tearing his shirt sleeve 
off. Before police assistance ar- 
rived, our comrades present man- 

aged to keep the crowd under con- 
trol. When the police finally did ar- 
rive, the ringleader had fled. Com- 
rade Orange again mounted the 
stand and resumed his lecture. The 
crowd which had increased to about 
1,000 persons showed its apprecia- 
tion by spontaneous applause at the 
conclusion of Comrade Orange's 
talk, and, in the opinion of those 
present who reported the incident to 
the 'National Office, "the Party won 
the respect of all the decent elements 

ried consultation with the opposing 
attorney, changed the decision and 
imposed a suspended sentence, ap- 
parently in order to preclude an ap- 
peal, which, if sustained, would en- 
able us to sue for false arrest. The 
case is now in a legal wrangle, and 
it is reported that it may not be 
called in court again until the middle 
of May. 

As stated before, these are only 
some of the cases of interference 

m attendance, and no doubt many during the last twelve months or so 



Our staunch member~at-large, 
Comrade Thomas Ballantyne, who 
single-handedly carries on S.LP 

... , * * r O— -~jf*"wv<»* iil_HJJ LJ.ULIG LU time UII 

agitatwn m his locality, reported interference at their public meetings 

that m the city of Logan he was by hoodlums and gangster elements, 

stopped while distributing leaflets on but in most instances order was 

the streets After making formal maintained and the meetings carried 

it and arguing the matter with through to proper conclusions. 

and are cited chiefly as samples, ex- 
cept for a few which are included 
particularly because of their impor- 
tance. Our organizers and candi- 
dates on the road during the cam- 
paign reported from time to time on 

the authorities, the City Attorney of 
Logan acknowledged his right to dis- 
tribute leaflets. As far as we know, 
he has met with no further interfer- 


In Merrill considerable interfer- 
ence was experienced with regard 
to holding meetings, etc., the details 
of which were reported in the 

On February 12 this year Com- 
rade Harvey Pattee, a member of 
Section Milwaukee, was arrested in 
front of the Public Auditorium in 
Milwaukee while distributing litera- 
ture. On February 13 Comrade Pat- 
tee was tried and it was reported to 
the National Office that the case was 
dismissed, but the judge, after a hur- 


The other cases of interference, 
both by police and by the mob, will 
be dealt with briefly under the head 
of interference with gathering sig- 
natures, etc. 

(A) Alien Registmtfon Law: This 
reactionary measure became law 
when President Roosevelt signed it 
on June 29, 1940. (Some day some- 
body will compile a record of the re- 
actionary laws initiated, encouraged 
and signed by the "Great Humani- 
tarian," both those obviously reac- 
tionary, as well as those which came 
wrapped in the transparent cello- 
phane of "benevolent despotism.") 
Ostensibly directed at aliens who 
might be acting as agents of a for- 
eign government, or who on their 
own account would plot against the 
United States government, etc., its 

effect has been chiefly that of in- 
timidating all aliens who honestly 
and sincerely exercised the rights 
they would acquire, and practised 
the duties which eventual citizenship 
would demand of them. Even some 
of our foreign-born members seem 
to have allowed themselves to be- 
come intimidated, but the chief in- 
jury this bill has worked on the 
Party (as noted also in the reports 
of the Language Federations) is the 
fact that it has frightened many of 
those outside our ranks who in the 
past supported the Party liberally, 
in one way or another. And what- 
ever may have been the announced 
purpose of the measure, there can be 
no doubt that those who sponsored 
it knew what a powerful weapon it 
would prove in dealing with honest 
and sincere "radicals" — particularly 
Socialists, of course. It is one more 
instance of the underhanded way in 
which the political party in power 
wields that power against rivals, ac- 
tual or potential. It may, however, 
prove a two-edged sword, like so 
many other similar acts. For it is 
not impossible that thousands upon 
thousands of aliens, in their bitter 
resentment, may turn away from the 
old corrupt parties and give their 
support to the Marxian Socialist La- 
bor Party. 

i(B) The Vmrhis Act: This equal- 
ly reactionary measure has already 
been touched upon in this report. Its 
chief provisions make it mandatory 
for an organization with affiliations 
abroad to submit to the government 
its membership list and other data. 
Of course, it does not apply to the 
S.L.P. at this time, but while on the 
statute books it will prevent the S.L. 
P. from being a member of a Social- 
ist International, unless, of course, 

we should choose to turn our mem- 
bership list, etc., over to the govern- 
ment. The law in any case is sim- 
ply one more sample of the cunning 
and unscrupulousness of the rising 

(C) The IMtch Law: While this 
is no longer a new law, the year that 
has passed since its enactment has 
thoroughly demonstrated its reac- 
tionary character. Increasingly it ap- 
pears to be used to ferret out those 
who may not yet be known to be 
"radicals," or to intimidate (and 
generally as to injury in their 
chances to make a living) those who 
are known to be "radicals." Now 
and then the National Office receives 
from members working on defense 
projects, or other governmental un- 
dertakings, request for advice as to 
how to answer the question: "Do 
you advocate the overthrow of the 
government (or the Constitution) of 
the United States?" We have an- 
swered, and shall continue to answer, 
such inquiries, that, since it is now 
known that those who interpret and 
apply the law imply violent over- 
throw, and since no S.L. P. man ad- 
vocates the violent overthrow of cap- 
italism, or of anything else, our 
members should answer such ques- 
tions put to them with an emphatic 
NO — that is, that they do not advo- 
cate the overthrow, etc., etc. 


The story of our trouble last sum- 
mer regarding our attempts to quali- 
fy on the ballot in the various states 
is a long and dismal one. Looking 
back on the long, weary and costly 
struggle, it all seems like some fan- 
tastic dream, or rather nightmare. 
Wearisome as the struggle was, the 
recital of its details will likely prove 


even more wearisome. Yet it ap- 
pears to be necessary to record the 
essential facts and incidents, and 
this will be done as briefly as pos- 

California. No attempt was made 
to get on the ballot, the require- 
ments of approximately 269,000 sig- 
natures to place a minority party's 
ticket on the ballot making the at- 
tempt utterly prohibitive. 

Cofottiado. In the state of Colo- 
rado only 500 signatures were re- 
quired to place the Party's ticket on 
the ballot. Unfortunately, however, 
our members were so situated that 
none of them could take an active, 
that is, open part in collecting sig- 
natures. In the case of the most ac- 
tive members, it would have meant 
their livelihood to act openly in be- 
half of the Party in this respect. Ac- 
cordingly, our Section contacted a 
gentleman who was supposed to be 
an expert signature-collector, he 
himself running for office, expecting 
to qualify by collecting signatures 
for himself. Early in the campaign 
I expressed doubt to Section Denver 
that we could depend very much 
upon this gentleman. Unfortunate- 
ly my pessimism was sustained by 
the course of events. The Section's 
relation to this politician was, of 
course, a business relation pure and 
simple, and all he was expected to 
do was to secure the required number 
of signatures for the S.L.P. in a 
legitimate, that is, legal and open 
and above-board manner. Despite 
all his promises to secure the signa- 
tures for us (at so much per signa- 
ture, of course), he failed the Sec- 
tion (although he secured 7,000 
signatures for himself), and so in 
the end we did not qualify on the 
ballot in Colorado. While this is not 


exactly a case of interference by the 
authorities, or of excessive restric- 
tion, it seems to belong in this gen- 
eral recital of our difficulties to get 
on tli e ballot. 

Illinois, In this state we made the 
effort to get on the ballot but failed. 
It was in Illinois that we encoun- 
tered the greatest difficulties and 
where our signature-gathering com- 
rades were subjected to the greatest 
annoyance, and in some cases physi- 
cal assault. 

On June 2 in Belvidere the police 
stopped four of our Rockford com- 
rades from gathering signatures on 
the ground that they were creating a 
"nuisance" on a Sunday. 

On June 26 in De Kalb five of our 
comrades were gathering signatures 
when they were accosted by a police- 
man who stated that the mayor 
wanted to see them. Our five com- 
rades went to the mayor's office 
where they were told that De Kalb 
was a peaceful community with a 
limited police force, and that the 
mayor could not guarantee protec- 
tion against mob violence. (Note the 
contradiction: It was a peaceful 
community, but mob violence appar- 
ently was the natural thing to be 
expected!) Our comrades reported 
that there was nothing to indicate a 
hostile attitude on the part of the 
population of the town, nevertheless 
under the circumstances it was felt 
that it was best to leave the town. 
The Illinois S.E.C. on June 29 sent 
a letter of protest to the mayor. 

On July 2, in Bloomington, Ave 
S.L.P. signature-gatherers were 
"rounded up" and taken to a police 
station in a squad car. They were" 
ordered to get out of town by the 
police chief. When the latter was 
asked whether, on assuming office, 

he did not swear to uphold the Con- 
stitution, he replied: "Never mind 
what I swore to, and never mind the 
Constitution; I am giving you fair 
warning!. ..." 

On July 5 a group of S.L.P. sig- 
nature-gatherers were threatened 
and harassed by a gang of organ- 
ized hoodlums. Our members were 
brought down to the police station, 
where they were told that the city 
authorities could not be responsible 
for their safety, and they were ad- 
vised to leave town. 

On July 6 three of our comrades 
were gathering signatures in Dan- 
ville, when they were picked up by 
the police and questioned, and there- 
upon ordered to leave town. 

On July 23, in the town of Mor- 
ris, four members, overhearing 
threatening remarks made by loiter- 
ers, decided to go to the state attor- 
ney's office to make sure that they 
would be able to do their legitimate 
work unmolested. The attorney, 
however, was not in. Thereupon 
they went to the sheriff's office, and 
there they were told that the office 
could not tell them whether or not 
they could gather signatures, but it 
was suggested to them that they had 
better not try for the sake of their 
own safety. When our comrades re- 
turned to the street to continue sig- 
nature-gathering, the threats were 
repeated, and increasingly so. When 
the matter was reported to the po- 
lice chief, he replied that the gather- 
ing of signatures in a given commu- 
nity should be done by Party mem- 
bers in that community. Our com- 
rades thereupon left. 

On August 1 Comrade A. E. 
Fortman, of Section Milwaukee, 
whose assistance for signature-gath- 
ering in Illinois had been secured, 

was in Bloomington to collect signa- 
tures. While waiting for someone 
whom he had secured to assist him 
in the work, he was forced into a 
car by four men. He was driven 
around for several hours while the 
kidnappers threatened him. One had 
a blackjack and a gun. Comrade 
Fortman was finally released, but he 
was warned not to return to Bloom- 
ington unless he wanted to incur the 
risk of being tarred and feathered. 

On August 1 Comrade Pirincin 
and a group of signature-gatherers 
found themselves in Galesburg. In 
order to avoid unnecessary trouble, 
Comrade Pirincin notified the au- 
thorities that he and the other com- 
rades were in town to collect signa- 
tures. He was told by the police 
chief that he had better keep mov- 
ing. Thereupon he was promptly 
surrounded by police officers, one of 
whom wanted to see a petition list. 
One of the officers snatched all the 
lists from Comrade Pirincin. All at- 
tempts to reason with these official 
gangsters failed. After conferring 
with our state secretary, 'Comrade 
Frank Schnur, Comrade Pirincin and 
the others left town. 

On August 2 two of our comrades 
were in Havana collecting signatures 
and were picked up by the police 
and taken to the police station. Here 
a disgraceful incident took place, the 
state's attorney, one Lyle Wheeler, 
openly aligning himself with the 
mob elements (the dominant ones 
apparently being of the broadcloth 
variety), and after questioning our 
comrades, the said Lyle Wheeler, 
state's attorney, ordered them to "get 
out of town." Thus, law and order 
and democratic procedure were up- 
held in Havana ! 

It should be added here that it 

was absolutely necessary for our federal offices) involved a federal 
comrades in Illinois to visit these election, additional regrets and alibis 
small towns m Illinois for the rea- and endless talk-talk were offered bv 
son that the law requires that 200 the Department of Justice, and there 
signatures must be collected in each it invariably ended. A huge stack of 

7k nnn°T T> S an additional correspondence that passed between 
1 o.OOO which can be obtained in any the National Office and the Depak- 
ene county Hence it was, of course, ment of Justice at Washington testi- 
not altogether choice which brought ties to the efforts made- by the Na- 
our comrades to these small towns, tional Office to prevail upon the De- 
nor could they simply choose to leave partment of Justice to do that which 
these small towns alone and concen- supposedly the facts and the law re- 
trate m places where the population quired the Department to do 
was larger, and where the difficulties During the same period the Illi- 
m collecting signatures were not so nois S.E.C. had been sending pro- 
tt rZr XT . , tests t0 the state's attorney general, 
1 he National Office received re- and to the governor of the state, but 
ports regularly of these outrageous all without avail 

interferences with the constitutional When it finally became clear that 
rights oi citizens, and promptly on it was a physical impossibility to 
each occasion (or when a few had gather the required number of sig- 
accumulated), a letter was directed natures, the Party meanwhile spend- 
to the Department of Justice at ing a great deal of money on those 

Washington. Many regrets were re- 
ceived from the Department of Jus 
tice, both as regards the treatment 
accorded our members, and also be- 

that were collected, it was decided 
that to continue would prove an ut- 
ter waste of funds and energy, apart 
from the risk incurred by our mem- 

cause (allegedly) the Department of bers by exposing themselves to con- 
Justice, a as, was unable to do any- tinned mob action. Upon advice of 
thing m these matters unless it was the National Office, accordingly, the 
shown that certain Federal election Illinois S.E.C. discontinued the col- 
provisions were involved. In other lection of signatures, and filed the 
words, the Department of Justice number already collected (close to 
asserted that, no matter how flagrant 9,000 signatures, out of the 25,000 
the violations were, they could do required), together with a formal 
nothing it they concerned primarily statement in which the SElC de- 

state laws and state authorities 
When it was pointed out to the De- 
partment of Justice that the parti- 
cular federal law, which the Depart- 
ment itself had cited as being pos- 
sibly involved, as a matter of fact 
had been violated by the state au- 
thorities, since the gathering of sig- 
natures to insure a place on the bal- 
lot of our Presidential and Vice 

clared that it was filing these signa- 
tures knowing that the required num- 
ber was not obtained, but that this 
fact was "due entirely to the inter- 
ference with our legal rights to col- 
lect signatures in certain Illinois 
towns," interference manifested 
either through "unashamed exercise 
of violence by the officials in these 
towns, or threats of violence, or by 

■r, .-. - • — ~~„**. a> Wi uucais ox violence, or Dy 

Presidential candidates (these being open collusion between town officials 


and mob leaders." 

It may be added here that the Na- 
tional and State Offices also ap- 
pealed to the American Civil Liber- 
ties Union for assistance, but as has 
usually been our experience with this 
organization, no assistance worth 
while was given us. 

Massachusetts. On August 14 the 
Massachusetts State Ballot Law 
Commission ruled four "independent 
parties" off the ballot, including the 
S.L.P., because all allegedly had 
failed to hold party caucuses prior 
to picking candidates, and, further, 
because of their alleged failure to 
check to determine whether delegates 
to their conventions were registered 
voters. A hearing was called by the 
Commission. The Commission, how- 
ever, erred in calling the hearing in 
that it failed to notify of the time 
and place of the hearing by mail, as 
provided by law, all candidates and 
committees affected. It notified only 
the recording secretary and presid- 
ing officers of the convention. On the 
basis of these defects court action 
was taken against the ballot commis- 
sion. On September 17, the Party's 
attorney in Massachusetts advised 
that "all of the candidates of the 
Socialist Labor Party, as well as the 
candidates of the other minority par- 
ties, have been restored to the ballot 
. . .by order of the Superior Court." 

Accordingly, we qualified on the 
ballot in Massachusetts. 

Michigan. In the state of Mich- 
igan, although it was a hard job to 
secure the signatures, we qualified 
and appeared on the ballot. The 
politicians, and particularly the De- 
troit capitalist press, conducted a 
vicious campaign, agitating for in- 
creased restrictions with regard to 
minority parties qualifying for a 

place on the ballot in the state. We 
may expect increased difficulties, 
then, in the state of Michigan. 

New York., In this state we expe- 
rienced considerable difficulties in 
connection with signature-gathering. 
In several places (around New York 
City, as well as up-state) our mem- 
bers were interfered with in their 
legitimate task of collecting signa- 
tures. Finally the New York S.E.C. 
sent a letter of protest to the attor- 
ney general of New York, Mr. John 
J. Bennett, Jr., which resulted in 
the attorney general writing a for- 
mal letter declaring this interference 
illegal, and cautioning authorities not 
to interfere with the signature-gath- 
ering of the S.L.P. A facsimile copy 
of the attorney general's letter was 
printed and distributed among our 
signature-gatherers, and also reprint- 
ed in the WEEKLY PEOPLE. 

Ohio. In this state we likewise 
failed to qualify on the ballot. The 
causes were, in the first place, the 
huge number of signatures that had 
to be collected, the total, including 
the margin thought necessary, ex- 
ceeding 30,000. Secondly, the same 
atmosphere prevailed in Ohio as was 
found in Illinois, except that there 
was less actual interference by mobs 
and authorities. However, due to 
the increasing war hysteria, it was 
found extremely difficult to get 
qualified citizens to sign our peti- 
tions. Moreover, in Ohio certain 
election provisions involving regis- 
tered voters increased our difficulties 
in securing bona fide signatures tre- 
mendously. For all practical pur- 
poses it was entirely within the pow- 
er of the local election bureaus to de- 
cide whether or not certain petitions 
should be accepted. Theoretically 
we could, of course, check the rulings 

of each local board, but obviously 
neither time nor our funds would 
have permitted of going through with 
this to an extent that would have 
made it possible for us to prove 
either errors or dishonesty in a suf- 
ficient degree to enable us to present 
the required minimum number of 

We collected more signatures than 
we needed to get on the ballot in 
Ohio, but the number rejected was 
so great as to place us considerably 
below the required minimum, thereby 
causing the rejection of our peti- 

Rhode Island. Despite many and 
persistent efforts, we failed to ap- 
pear on the ballot in Rhode Island. 
Although comrades from Massachu- 
setts were engaged to assist in this 
task, many of them volunteering 
their services, we still could not se- 
cure the 500 required. As a matter 
of actual fact, we collected nearly 
twice the actual number required. 
The situation in Rhode Island, how- 
ever, is such as to make it almost 
impossible to present a list of quali- 
fied signatures, for the reason that 
local election boards (apparently un- 
scrupulously) rejected the names of 
signers wholesale. In at least two 
or three instances we were informed 
that those who had signed petitions, 
and who were qualified to sign, had 
had their signatures rejected. How- 
ever, due to the expense involved, 
and the difficulty of proving our 
contention, it was impossible within 
the time allotted to secure the re- 
quired minimum, or to carry on any 
contest that might have resulted in 
placing our ticket on the ballot. 

Apart from our own more or less 
incidental errors and negligence with 


regard to getting on the ballot, and 
apart also from the interference suf- 
fered by mobs and mob-friendly po- 
litical office-holders, it is clear that 
overwhelmingly our difficulties re- 
sult from the reactionary election 
laws in most states. We know that 
the politicians are forever seeking 
ways and means of making these 
laws even more restrictive, to make 
it increasingly difficult, and at last 
impossible for a minority "radical" 
party to place its ticket on the bal- 
lot. Generally, the politicians oper- 
ate under cover of seeking to "pro- 
tect" the country against Nazi, Fas- 
cist and Communist groups — groups 
actually or supposedly advocating 
physical force and violence in ef- 
fecting changes in social and eco- 
nomic relations. We know also that 
the politicians and their plutocratic 
masters are insincere in their great 
concern to observe peaceful proce- 
dure, since there has never been a 
ruling class more violent, more bru- 
tal, and with less regard for human 
lives and peaceful relations, than the 
capitalist class, proof of which 
abounds on every hand, both on the 
domestic as well as the international 
field. Every time another city is 
bombed, every time another ship is 
deliberately sent to the bottom of 
the sea, every time this or that army 
division is slaughtered, every time 
the police clubs or shoots striking 
workers into submission, the echo 
of the question addressed to Social- 
ists and workers generally: "Do you 
advocate physical force and vio- 
lence?" resounds in all its cynicism 
and hypocrisy. 

Nevertheless, as usual, the Com- 
munists and others, past and pres- 
ent, who have advocated and advo- 
cate violence, etc., serve as aids and 

allies to the reaction in clamping 
down the lid still tighter on our civil 
rights, and on the democratic prerog- 
atives supposedly the birthright of 
Americans. Thus, by ostensibly 
moving to deny Communists a place 
on the ballot, the capitalist class is 
simply skilfully making use of their 
Communist allies in order to execute 
a flank attack on the constitutional 
rights of citizens generally, and 
specifically to deny these to the 
Marxian Socialists who cannot be 
successfully dealt with without the 
reactionaries' discarding all pre- 
tenses of adhering to democratic and 
constitutional procedure. This is not 
to say that all 2x4 politicians in lo- 
cal, state or national assemblies are 
such clever and cunning Machiavel- 
lians — not at all. These petty er- 
rand-boys of the plutocracy undoubt- 
edly believe that the Communists, 
etc., constitute a menace to "our 
cherished institutions," and the rest 
of the bourgeois litany about which 
they so robot-like chant. These petty 
politicians do as they are told, 
though sometimes in their zeal to aid 
their economic masters they go so far 
that the masters have to put the 
check-rein on them. But the simple 
fact remains that the plutocracy 
moves stealthily behind the shield of 
the alleged Communist menace, and 
thereby accomplishes their reaction- 
ary purposes with far greater ease 
(and apparent patriotism) than 
otherwise would be the case. 

Recently there have been several 
instances of such flank attacks on 
constitutional rights, in the manner 
so well described by Thomas Jeffer- 
son when he warned against Supreme 
Court encroachments — "working like 
gravity by night and by day, gaming 
a little today and a little tomorrow, 

and advancing its noiseless step, like 
a thief. ..." In the New York Times 
of February 4, 1941, the editor com- 
mented on several bills being pro- 
moted at Albany designed to bar so- 
called Communists from office, and 
to bar the Communist party and 
similar parties from the ballot. Ap- 
plying here the plutocratic check- 
rein on overzealous errand-boys, the 
Times editorial says about the pro- 
posed laws: "We do not have to 
guess what their effect would be if 
passed. They would not convert any 
convinced Communist or Nazi. They 
would, on the other hand, give the 
Communist and Nazi groups a 
chance to pose as martyrs." What 
the Times fails to add — and most 
importantly — is that these and sim- 
ilar bills would be turned against the 
Marxian Socialists in order to pre- 
vent, if that were possible, the mes- 
sage of proletarian emancipation 
from reaching the workers. 

A few weeks ago the ultra-reac- 
tionary state assembly at Trenton 
passed a bill barring the Communist 
party from the ballot in New Jersey. 
At the time of writing it has not 
been signed by the governor, and it 
is thought likely that Governor Edi- 
son may veto it. During the dis- 
cussion, one of the senators, a one- 
time alien, Herbert J. Pascoe, plu- 
togogued as follows: 

"I am a naturalized citizen [born 
in Brazil] i and therefore one by 
choice and not by birth. I am proud 
of that, and I say we need more Na- 
than Hales in this country and few- 
er Benedict Arnolds Are we go- 
ing to stand here and fail to move to 
perpetuate our government?" 

This ex-alien seems to overlook the 
fact that his language is the reac- 
tionary language of the Tory sup- 

M he tr a I t Cr r n ,J h ° ti0nS fM ' S °- ca]kd «"« Action 

* ^ e »""<" Bened.ct Arnold to Law, tho chief "plank" of which 

then- bosoms The notion that our was that the percentage of s7«na 

!S7' *<*. b6 f , *?~ P- *•«. needed to'place a tLet JZ 

w h the necl V '° f lently ( m r C ; nffiC ' ba " 0t by Petiti0n sh ° uld ** <«eed 

dence, and ,t s as ahen to our revo- state's population, this being ap- 

Int onary trad.t.ons as the Brazilian- proximate, 1 ; the p ' ercent 'J w *£ 

aJainst^lTs . 1 • ^ *" ^"'"g °- opposition to any pro^ 

so°n d ar ' T ~ P ? "r POi " ViSi ° n Whfch w ™ Id "V. a minor- 

soned arrow so frequently shot by ity group to secure a certain mini- 


his kind at the Marxian Socialists: 
"If you don't like our revolutionary 
traditions, why don't you go back 
where you came from?" 

Elsewhere the legislative mills are 
grinding out similar reactionary laws, 
often without public discussion, and 
without the average person's know- 
ing anything about their having 
been passed. It is vitally important 
that we exercise the greatest vigi- 
lance, that our state committees and 
local election committees follow 
these matters closely, remaining 
alert and ever watchful. 

The National Office has, among 
other things, been conferring with 
the American Civil Liberties Union, 
which has lately taken the initiative 
in having uniform election laws 
adopted which would make it pos- 
sible for minority parties to place 
their tickets on the ballot. I cannot 

mum of signatures in so many (or 
all) counties in a given state (as, 
for instance, is the law in Illinois 
and New York). And while express- 
ing our doubts as to the likelihood of 
any such Model Election Law being 
universally adopted (if, indeed, 
adopted anywhere), we nevertheless 
declared that "we do not take the 
fatalistic attitude that, because a 
trend is inevitable, therefore we 
should supinely submit. On the con- 
trary, we assert that the greater the 
pressure on our rights and liberties, 
the greater must be the resistance. 
But experience has demonstrated 
that the only force in society today 
which possesses the will and the 
potential power to offer effective re- 
sistance to ruling class encroach- 
ments on constitutional liberties is 
the working class. And the poten- 
tial power of the working class lies 

»«tt tko*- t , t^".-! ui uie woriung ciass lies 
he res„L ^ T , "J 00 "*" 1 *' in ltS eC ° n ° mic Union > that ^ * the 
wi) fV rPa UlarlyimpreSS6d S ° cialist I^ustrial Union. Thus, 
Un on rr, n €iVil Liberti6S While We ^ *^ «* P-tes 
km as t Unde ; St t and1 ^ 0f «" P™*>- "iticize and propose, so far as the 
doL «£ I T CSn °\ Sh ° Uld bC - rtaii —t of our rights and liber- 
ated Z ri hel T 7; WC *!?.«**■ ^ «• —rned, efforts will be 
our coo" t 7°' C ? ndltl0nin ^ ^ly in vain unless simultaneously 
o« cooperation on the understanding steps are taken to organize the eco 

that we would go with them as far 
as we could without compromising 
our principles and tactics. On De- 
cember 28 we submitted our sugges- 

nomic power of the workers." 


S.L.P. Study Classes 
Conducted in 1939. 

CALIFORNIA: Los Angeles, 1; 
Oakland, 1 ; San Francisco, 1. 

CANADA: Hamilton, Out., 2; 
Kamsook, 1 ; London, Ont., 1 ; Ot- 
tawa, Ont., 1 ; Vancouver, B.C., 1 ; 
York Co., 1. 

COLORADO: Denver, 1. 

'CONNECTICUT: Bridgeport, 1; 
New Haven, 1 ; South Norwalk, 1, 


ILLINOIS : Cook Co., 1 ; East St. 
Louis, 1 ; Fulton Co., 1 ; Roekford, 
1 ; Waukegan, 1. 

INDIANA: Evansville, 1; Fort 
Wayne, 1 ; Indianapolis, 1 ; Lake 
Co., l; Whitley Co., 1. 

MARYLAND: Baltimore, 1. 

Lynn, 1. 

MICHIGAN: Wayne Co., 2. 

MINNESOTA: Minneapolis, 1; 
St. Paul, 1; Winona, 1. 

MISSOURI: St. Louis, 1. 

NEW JERSEY: Cumberland Co., 
1; Essex Co., 1; Hudson Co., 1; 
Passaic Co., 1. 


NEW YORK: Broome Co., 1; 
Erie Co., 1 ; Jamestown, 1 ; Monroe 
Co., 1 ; Oneida Co., 1 ; Onondaga 
Co., 1; Rensselaer Co., 1. 

OHIO: Akron, 2; Cleveland, 1; 
Dayton, 1 ; Hamilton Co., 1 ; Lorain, 
1 ; Salem, 1 ; Stark Co., 1 ; Steuben- 
ville, 1 ; Youngstown, 1. 

OREGON: Astoria, 1; Bend, 1; 
Portland, 1. 

Co., 1 ; Beaver Co., 1 ; Blair Co., I ; 
Dauphin Co., 1 ; Erie, 1 ; Greens- 
burg, 2; Philadelphia, 2. 

WASHINGTON: Longview, 1; 
Spokane, 1 ; Tacoma, 1 ; Vancouver, 
1; White Salmon, 1. 

WISCONSIN : Milwaukee, 1 . 

Total, 76. 


Report on Weekly People 
Clubs for Year 1939. 

(Contributed to various funds 
in 1939.) 

CALIFORNIA: Los Angeles, $35; 
Oakland, $19; San Francisco, $61.- 

ILLINOIS: Cook Co., $120.60; 
Granite City, $86.65; Waukegan, 

INDIANA: Ft. Wayne, $32; St. 
Joseph Co., $9. 


MICHIGAN: Detroit, $6.20; 
Highland Park, $66; Wayne Co.: 
proceeds of July 15 picnic held by 
Federation Women's Clubs and the 
Weekly People Clubs, $117.39. 

MINNESOTA: Minneapolis and 
St. Paul, $87.42; Winona, $42.50. 

MISSOURI: St. Louis, $254.50. 

NEW YORK: Erie Co., $35; 
Jamestown, $15. 

OHIO: Cleveland, $98.82; Hamil- 
ton Co., $14.51; Mansfield, $55; 
Steubenville, $20. 

OREGON: Bend, $12. 

P EiNNS YLVANIA : Allegheny 
Co., $132.50; Philadelphia, $67.76. 

Total, $1,473.75.* 

*Add to this amounts received 
from disbanded Clubs: Bronx, $8.35; 
Peoria, $4; Milwaukee, $7.20. To- 
tal from disbanded Clubs, $19.55. 

Grand total, $1,493.30. 



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